Brazilian Agricultural Research Corporation – Embrapa

Embrapa Coffee

Ministry of Agriculture, Livestock and Food Supply

International Women’s Coffee Alliance – IWCA Brazil

Women in Coffee in Brazil

Cristina Arzabe

Josiane Cotrim Macieira

Raquel Santos Soares Menezes

Danielle Pereira Baliza

Tânia Fontenele Mourão

Technical Editors

Embrapa

Brasília, DF

2018

Embrapa Café (Embrapa Coffee)

Parque Estação Biológica (PqEB)

Av. w3 Norte (final)

70770-901 Brasília, DF

Phone: +55 (61) 3448-4010/1983

www.embrapa.br

www.embrapa.br/fale-conosco/sac

Organization responsible for the content

Embrapa Café (Embrapa Coffee)

Local Publication Committee

President: Lucas Tadeu Ferreira

Vice-President: Jamilsen de Freitas Santos

Executive Secretary: Adriana Maria Silva Macedo

Members: Anísio José Diniz, Antonio Fernando Guerra, Carlos Henrique Siqueira de Carvalho, Cristina Arzabe, Helena Maria Ramos Alves, Maurício Sérgio Zacarias, Milene Alves de Figueiredo Carvalho

Department responsible for publication

General Division

Communication and Information Management Office

Editing and Publishing Supervising Office

Editorial coordination: Alexandre de Oliveira Barcellos, Heloiza Dias da Silva, Nilda Maria da Cunha Sette

Editorial Supervision: Wyviane Carlos Lima Vidal

Text revision: Ana Maranhão Nogueira

Bibliographic standardization: Rejane Maria de Oliveira

Translation: Julia Spatuzzi Felmanas, Henrik Carbonnier (PJ Traduções Ltda.)

Cover and image treatment: Paula Cristina Rodrigues

Graphic project: Alexandre Abrantes Cotta de Mello

Electronic publishing: Leandro Sousa Fazio

Title page photograph: Danielle Serejo

1st edition

E-book (2018)

All rights are reserved.

Reproduction of this publication, in its entirety or in part, is not permitted, it is a breach of copyright (Act No. 9.610).

Cataloguing in Publication (CIP) Data

Embrapa

Women in coffee in Brazil / Cristina Arzabe ... [et al.], technical editors. – Brasília, DF : Embrapa, 2018.

E-book : il. colour.

Translated from Mulheres dos cafés no Brasil, 1st edition, by Julia Spatuzzi Felmanas; Henrik Carbonnier.

ISBN 978-85-7035-828-8

1. Coffee. 2. Coffee growing. 3. Women. 4. Rural women. 5. Agricultural industry. 6. Agribusiness I. Arzabe, Cristina. II. Macieira, Josiane Cotrim. III. Menezes, Raquel Santos Soares. IV. Baliza, Danielle Pereira. V. Fontenelle, Tânia. VI. Embrapa Café. VII. International Women’s Coffee Alliance.

CDD 633.730981

© Embrapa, 2018

Authors

Ana Paula Marques da Silva

Environmental expert, undergraduate student at the Instituto Federal de Educação, Ciência e Tecnologia do Sudeste de Minas Gerais (IF Sudeste), Bom Sucesso, MG, Brazil

Andressa Cristina Zamboni Machado

Agronomist, doctor in Agronomy, researcher at the Instituto Agronômico do Paraná (Iapar), Londrina, PR, Brazil

Aryane Kovacs Fernandes

History graduate, specialist in Heritage and History, collaborator of the Museu Histórico de Londrina, Londrina, PR, Brazil

Brígida Salgado

Librarian, specialist in Information Technology Management, president of the International Women’s Coffee Alliance (IWCA) Brazil, Piatã, BA, Brazil

Camila Rafaela Gomes Dias

Graduate in Mathematics, master in Applied Statistics and Biometrics, Viçosa, MG, Brazil

Cíntia Mara Lopes de Souza

Graduate in Home Economics, specialist in Public Policies, social inclusion outreach worker at the Instituto Paranaense de Assistência Técnica e Extensão Rural (Emater-PR), Pinhalão, PR, Brazil

Cristina Arzabe

Biologist, doctor in Biological Sciences, researcher at Embrapa Café, Brasília, DF, Brazil

Danielle Pereira Baliza

Agronomist, doctor in Agronomy, professor at the Instituto Federal de Educação, Ciência e Tecnologia do Sudeste de Minas Gerais (IF Sudeste), Bom Sucesso, MG, Brazil

Doralice de Fátima Cargano

Pedagogue and psychologist, specialist in Organizational Behaviour and Organizational and Labour Psychology, collaborator at the Instituto Agronômico do Paraná (Iapar), Londrina, PR, Brazil

Fernanda Junia Dornela

Business consultant, master in Business Management at the Universidade Federal de Uberlândia (UFU), Uberlândia, MG, Brazil

Fernanda Marques Correa

Social Sciences undergraduate student, scholarship holder from the Institutional Programme of Undergraduate Research Grants at the Universidade Federal da Bahia (Pibic/UFBA), Salvador, BA, Brazil

Helena Maria Ramos Alves

Agronomist, doctor in Land Assessment and Soil Sciences, researcher at Embrapa Café/Empresa de Pesquisa Agropecuária de Minas Gerais (Epamig), Lavras, MG, Brazil

Helery Morais

Business consultant and agronomist, doctor in Agronomy, researcher at the Instituto Agronômico do Paraná (Iapar), Londrina, PR, Brazil

Humberto Paiva Fonseca

Geography undergraduate student, scholarship holder from the Empresa de Pesquisa Agropecuária de Minas Gerais (Epamig), Viçosa, MG, Brazil

Izaura Marlene Galvanini Salton

Business consultant, specialist in Public Administration and Project Management, science and technology analyst at the Instituto Agronômico do Paraná (Iapar), Londrina, PR, Brazil

Josiane Cotrim Macieira

Journalist, master in Political Communication, founding member of the International Women’s Coffee Alliance (IWCA) Brazil, Brasília, DF, Brazil

Julia Nogueira

Graduate in Geography, intern at UnB TV, Universidade de Brasília (UnB), Brasília, DF, Brazil

Lídia Maria Soares Cardel

Graduate in Social Sciences, doctor in Social Anthropology, professor at the Universidade Federal da Bahia (UFBA), Salvador, BA, Brazil

Luciana Soares de Morais

Graduate in Home Economics, master in Public Policies, social inclusion outreach worker at the Instituto Paranaense de Assistência Técnica e Extensão Rural (Emater-PR), Ibaiti, PR, Brazil

Lucylanne Oliveira da Silva

Graduate in Social Sciences, scholarship holder from the Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado da Bahia (Fapesb) at the Universidade Federal da Bahia (UFBA), Salvador, BA, Brazil

Luiza Andrade Zenith

Environmental specialist, student at the Instituto Federal de Educação, Ciência e Tecnologia do Sudeste de Minas Gerais (IF Sudeste), Bom Sucesso, MG, Brazil

Maiara Maria de Jesus Santos

Social Sciences undergraduate student, scholarship holder from the Programa Institucional de Bolsas de Iniciação Científica da Universidade Federal da Bahia (Pibic/UFBA), Salvador, BA, Brazil

Margarete Marin Lordelo Volpato

Forestry engineer, researcher at the Empresa de Pesquisa Agropecuária de Minas Gerais (Epamig), Lavras, MG, Brazil

Maria Beatriz Nader

Graduate in History, postdoc in Political Sociology, professor at the Universidade Federal do Espírito Santo (Ufes) and coordinator of the Gender, Power and Violence Studies Laboratory (LEG/UFES), Vitória, Espírito Santo, Brazil

Maria Salete Souza de Amorim

Graduate in Social Sciences, doctor in Political Sciences, Salvador, BA, Brazil

Marisa Alice Singulano

Graduate in Social Sciences, doctor in Sociology, professor at the Universidade Federal de Ouro Preto (Ufop), Ouro Preto, MG, Brazil

Nathalie Guimarães

Journalist, consultant in regional communication at the Serviço Nacional de Aprendizagem Rural (Senar-MG), Viçosa, MG, Brazil

Nicole Gobeth

Forestry engineer, coordinator of Solidaridad’s coffee and gender programmes, São Paulo, SP, Brazil

Patrícia Helena Santoro

Agronomist, doctor in Agronomy (Plant Health), scientific researcher at the Instituto Agronômico do Paraná (Iapar), Londrina, PR, Brazil

Quezia de Souza Boaventura

Undergraduate student in Business Administration at the Universidade Federal de Viçosa (UFV), scholarship holder at the Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de Minas Gerais (Fapemig), Rio Paranaíba, MG, Brazil

Raquel Santos Soares Menezes

Management consultant, doctor in Administration, professor at the Universidade Federal de Viçosa (UFV), Rio Paranaíba, MG, Brazil

Renata Kelly da Silva

Journalist, specialist in Communication and Marketing, analyst at Embrapa Rondônia, Porto Velho, RO, Brazil

Ricardo de Oliveira Abu Hana

Graduate in Computer Sciences, master in Applied Informatics, analyst at Embrapa Tabuleiros Costeiros, Rio Largo, AL, Brazil

Sara Maria Chalfoun de Souza

Agronomist, doctor in Agronomy, researcher at the Empresa de Pesquisa Agropecuária de Minas Gerais (Epamig), Lavras, MG, Brazil

Sérgio Parreiras Pereira

Agronomist, doctor in Agronomy, researcher at the Instituto Agronômico (IAC), Campinas, SP, Brazil

Silvana Maria Novais Ferreira Ribeiro

Agronomist, regional manager at the Serviço Nacional de Aprendizagem Rural (Senar-MG), Viçosa, MG, Brazil

Taiane Vanessa da Silva

Graduate in History, master in Social History, collaborator at the Museu Histórico de Londrina, Londrina, PR, Brazil

Tânia Fontenele Mourão

Economist, master in Social, Labour and Organizational Psychology, coordinator at the Instituto de Pesquisa Aplicada da Mulher, Brasília, DF, Brazil

Thalyta Varejão Miranda

Geography undergraduate student, scholarship holder from Empresa de Pesquisa Agropecuária de Minas Gerais (Epamig), Viçosa, MG

Viviani Silva Lírio

Economist, doctor in Rural Economy, professor at the Universidade Federal de Viçosa (UFV), Viçosa, MG, Brazil

Williams Pinto Marques Ferreira

Agronomist, doctor in Agricultural Engineering, researcher at Embrapa Café/Empresa de Pesquisa Agropecuária de Minas Gerais, (Epamig), Viçosa, MG, Brazil

Foreword

Brazil is a country of continental dimensions and with great climatic, landscape and cultural diversity. Along with these factors, the climate, soil, and terrain conditions associated with local know-how – different crop management, harvesting methods, dry and wet processing, and drying techniques – create the identity of the beverage and counts for the expression of our coffee quality of the two cultivated species: arabica and robusta.

Although the responsible for the quality of coffee involves both women and men, only men´s work is highlighted in coffee farming practices. Therefore this book intends to dimension the important role women play in the coffee sector. This book is product of many people and institutions: a multidisciplinary network with women artists, film‐makers, photographers, researchers, agronomists, social scientists, domestic economists, biologists, historians, statisticians, geographers, political scientists and journalists, who, from a joint effort, were able to offer a first portrait about the women in coffee in Brazil, with emphasis on rural women. This network also involved important funders, who allowed the work to succeed. The union of ”doers” and ”payers” happened from the beginning, and was extended over time, serving as leaven and motivation for all. This co-creation was possible through several face-to-face meetings and through the construction of a digital platform that made it possible to integrate the participants and to provide all the material built over time.

The e-book was written by 41 authors and has 17 chapters describing five main coffee states in Brazil (Minas Gerais, Espírito Santo, Paraná, Bahia, and Rondônia) and their singularities. The e-book emphasizes rural women working in small farms. We believe that to meet needs and demands of Brazilian rural women in coffee it will be necessary to break down barriers, giving another dimension to the following factors: products customized to fit women’s needs, access to adequate products, development of social norms that do not hinder female economic participation, as well as design of specific financial products and services, which includes mentoring and financial education. 

At the end of the e-book, there is an online questionnaire that allows the reader to give suggestions to further editions, so feel free to help us out by giving both suggestions and opinions.

Cintia Mesquita Matos | Antonio Fernando Guerra
President of IWCA Brasil | Head of Embrapa Coffee

Preface

After the intense negotiation process that led to the adoption of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, the international community committed to the implementation of the 17 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), pledging to realize the human rights of all and to achieve gender equality and the empowerment of all women and girls, leaving no one behind. In this context, SDG 5 on gender equality and empowerment of women figures is a critical stand-alone goal for the achievement of the 2030 Agenda, as well as a cross-cutting factor.

The empowerment of rural women and girls is crucial to ending poverty in all its forms (SDG 1); to ending hunger, achieving food security and improved nutrition, while promoting sustainable agriculture (SDG 2); to providing good health, well-being and education (SDG 3 and SDG 4); to promoting sustained, inclusive and sustainable economic growth, full and productive employment and decent work for all (SDG 8 and SDG 10); and to taking urgent action to combat climate change and its impacts (SDG 13).

Like all other women, rural women and girls comprise a diverse group in terms of their identity, lifestyle, social organization, engagement in other productive activities and employment, among other factors. They represent more than a third of the world’s population and 43% of the world’s agricultural labour force. The Latin American and Caribbean region is home to 58 million rural women, and, in Brazil alone, to approximately 15 million. Globally, they continue to make vital contributions to development and food security. Nonetheless, as remarked by United Nations Women’s 2017 regional report, Progress of women in Latin America and the Caribbean: transforming economies, realizing rights, they face persistent constraints stemming from historically entrenched inequalities, social discrimination and gender bias, which limit their education attainments, their training and professional opportunities, as well as other aspects of their lives. Despite their key role in the economy and wellbeing of communities, rural women face bigger constraints in realizing their political and social rights, while their productive, reproductive and social roles are barely recognized and grossly undervalued. In its General Recommendation N.34 (2016) on the rights of rural women, the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women (Cedaw) stated that “rural women are worse off than rural men and urban women and men, and poverty and exclusion affect them disproportionately.”1

Timely addressing and responding to this context, the 62nd Session of the Commission on the Status of Women (CSW62) (2018) , which took place at the United Nations Headquarters in March 2018, focused on examining challenges and opportunities in achieving gender equality and the empowerment of rural women and girls. In preparation for CSW62, Latin American and Caribbean States recognized that beyond the fundamental role played by rural women in food security, building resilience to climate change and its effects, their part is central in the social, economic, and cultural maintenance and cohesion of local communities, and in the transfer of knowledge. It is also acknowledged that rural women’s needs and priorities are not sufficiently addressed in laws, mainly those related to land and property; development policies and investment strategies; access to credit, assets and technical assistance and public policies and national plans in general.

According to the World Bank, more than 500 million people around the world are dependent on coffee for their livelihoods, and of those, 25 million are coffee farmers. Coffee is the second largest export commodity in the world (after oil) and is exported from 52 countries from the South. Latin American and Caribbean countries currently produce most of the coffee consumed worldwide, with Brazil leading the global rank of coffee producing countries.

Within this framework, the project conceived by the International Women's Coffee Alliance (IWCA Brasil) and Embrapa, and the publication resulting from the research and efforts of the Coffee Women’s Network, Women in coffee in Brazil, represent a groundbreaking step: throughout the chapters, it becomes clear what and where the bottlenecks are. In addition, the research also showcases how – through creativity, innovation and support from the community of key partners – women, individually, with their communities, and collectively, are overcoming and counteracting these difficulties.

Female coffee growers and entrepreneurs involved in the entire coffee production process, from the seed to the cup, play a crucial role in the promotion of sustainable development, encouraging green and inclusive production and the adoption of sustainable agricultural techniques and more equal forms of trade. However, they still face many obstacles. A vast majority of women mostly work in the farming phase of the coffee production process while being significantly underrepresented in other areas, including leadership and decision-making positions, with limited access to training, education, and financial programs. Moreover, as women in general do, they face additional challenges due to the intersection of gender inequality with other forms of discrimination and continue to bear the disproportionate burden of unpaid care and domestic labor.

In this increasingly globalized world, transformative policy reforms are key for promoting the empowerment of rural women and girls and their full and equal participation and leadership in the economy, which in turn are essential for achieving sustainable development and fostering peaceful, prosperous and inclusive societies.

This research represents an unprecedented opportunity to improve the design of public policies and revamp private sector’s and market’s practices in order to take full advantage of women in the coffee economy in Brazil. Time is up to recognize that investing in women is a good business, not only for realizing their potential and fulfill their rights to fully participate in development, but also for promoting opportunities that will benefit current generations, and most certainly span onto future ones. Due to its relevance and importance in the sector, Brazil should set the example to the region and the world.

Luiza Carvalho

Regional Director of UN Women for the Americas and the Caribbean

Note

1 SESSION OF THE COMMISSION ON THE STATUS OF WOMEN, 2018, New York. Empowering rural women and girls. New York: United Nations, 2018. Available at: <http://www.unwomen.org/en/csw/csw62-2018>. Access on: 6 Sept. 2018.

Left coffee beanChapter 1Right coffee bean

The birth of the International Women’s Coffee Alliance in Brazil: making history

Josiane Cotrim Macieira

In September 2009, the International Women’s Coffee Alliance (IWCA) aroused the interest of Josiane Cotrim Macieira during the Ramacafé international coffee conference, in Managua, Nicaragua. Some participants were using a pin with a communicative logo, a woman carrying a coffee bean on top of her head. IWCA was created in 2003, when some women working in the American coffee processing and trade segment (Kimberly Eason, Karen Cebreros and Colleen Crosby) met with a group of small producers from the Unión de Cooperativas Agropecuarias Soppexcca, Nicaragua. The initial aim of this alliance was to bring both ends of the chain closer together. In 2009, IWCA already included a number of countries and it was time for Brazilian women to join the network.

In February 2010, in Guatemala City, during the International Coffee Organization’s World Conference, the Brazilian chapter of the IWCA was first conceived. On the last day of this event, in session 4, starting at 11h30, there was a panel on social sustainability, entitled International Women’s Coffee Alliance: Promoting opportunities.

The day before, Mery Santos and Josiane Cotrim Macieira held a first meeting to discuss a strategy to create the Brazilian IWCA chapter. Margaret Swallow, also an IWCA member, asked how it was possible to talk about coffee and women without including Brazil, the world’s largest producer. As the largest coffee producer and exporting country in the world and the second largest consumer, Brazil had to get involved in this alliance.

That was the starting point of a process which would eventually involve people from all over Brazil. Its aim was to show the world that women play a fundamental role in Brazil’s coffee agribusiness landscape.

Two people, also present at the conference in Guatemala City, significantly contributed to the initial mobilization process. Sérgio Parreiras Pereira, the mastermind behind the Rede Social do Café, a virtual network for the collective development, dissemination and debates on information and knowledge about the coffee sector. He provided all the contact details of female leaders in the sector across Brazil. And Aymbiré Francisco Almeida da Fonseca, general manager of Embrapa Café at the time, also present at the conference. He contributed with empirical statistics and insights based on his substantial experience within the sector. These connections were essential to identify women leaders in different regions, who were doing important work but had no visibility. The next step was a meeting at the Specialty Coffee Association of America (SCAA) in Anaheim, California, in April. During the traditional IWCA breakfast, held at the SCAA, Mery Santos, the IWCA’s secretary at the time, reserved a table for the Brazilian group and the first contacts were made.

This seed found fertile ground in Brazil through the key contacts made with Brazilian Micro and Small Business Support Service/MG (Sebrae) during the launch of the Matas de Minas Competitive Focus, in Manhuaçu, in July 2010. Priscilla Lins, agribusiness manager, was present and open to meeting in Belo Horizonte. The main aim was to plan a seminar to bring together women from all four coffee-growing regions of the state of Minas Gerais: Sul de Minas, Cerrado Mineiro, Chapada de Minas and Matas de Minas.

Some months later, in September 2010, Johanna Bot contacted Josiane Cotrim and invited her to join IWCA with a view to establishing the Brazilian chapter. Conversations with Sebrae/MG progressed and Débora Rabelo was the communication channel that enabled the creation of the IWCA Brazil. Débora Fortini had returned to Brazil after having lived in the United States. Many meetings were held at the recently established Academia do Café. Débora Fortini was already acquainted with IWCA, having participated in its traditional breakfast held at SCAA. Her experience as a lawyer was essential for the legal process of establishing the Brazilian chapter.

After a year working on contacts, it was time for the 23rd SCAA, to be held in Houston, Texas. Brazil was the country honoured that year, and during IWCA’s breakfast, the presence of Brazilian women from other producing states, as well Minas Gerais, changed the course of the leadership and training seminar. The event had to do more than bring together leaders from the four coffee-growing regions of Minas Gerais – it had to be inclusive and involve women from all other growing regions of Brazil, otherwise it would have been flawed from the start.

From this moment onward, contacts were made through Sebrae at national level, to include women from across Brazil. The IWCA Brasil founding group made a number of contacts with the Sebrae agribusiness department in Brasília, whilst contacting other regional leaders such as Dedê Souza e Silva (Figure 1).

Figure 1. Mobilizing leaders at the Manhumirim Technological and Vocational Centre, in Manhumirim, Matas de Minas.

Photo: José Geraldo Barbosa

As the project advanced, Mery Santos and Linda Smithers agreed to come to Brazil to conduct a leadership seminar and training. There was still no venue for this event. That was when Marcos Reis Teixeira, from Sebrae/MG, contacted Mariana Proença and Caio Fontes, at Café Editora. A partnership agreement was signed during a meeting at Suplicy Café (Figure 2) and was sealed with an espresso on 25 July 2011. The first meeting of Brazilian coffee women took place during the 6th Espaço Café Brasil. Registration took place through the event’s site and on 6 October 2011, 17 women were expected. Organizers were pleasantly surprised when many more women from various regions of the states of São Paulo, Minas Gerais, Bahia and Espírito Santo attended. In total, there were over 60 women linked to the coffee sector at the meeting.

For 2 days, women coffee leaders debated ideas, shared experiences and wrote the mission and vision of IWCA Brasil. They also attended a cupping. Many for the first time. Although they were coffee growers, they had never participated in tastings. On the 8th, a letter of intent was signed and sent to Grace Mena, the IWCA’s President. It stated that Brazilian women were mobilized and ready to establish the IWCA Brazilian chapter.

Figure 2. Mariana Proença, Daniela Capuano, Josiane Cotrim Macieira and Caio Fontes of Café Editora, São Paulo, 2011. Partnership agreement signed with Café Editora.

Photo: Marco Suplicy

In November, a meeting was held in Belo Horizonte, at Sebrae, where the first IWCA Brasil board was voted in, as follows: Josiane Cotrim Macieira, President; Débora Fortini (exporter – Minas Gerais), Vice-president; Brígida Salgado (organic coffee grower – Bahia), 2nd Vice-President; Helga Andrade (barista – Sul de Minas), Secretary; Jackeline Uliana Donna (certification – Espírito Santo), 2nd Secretary; Daniella Pelosini (grower – São Paulo), Treasurer; Carmem Lucia Ucha Chaves Brito (grower – Sul de Minas), 2nd Secretary; Dedê Souza e Silva (grower – Matas de Minas), Mobilization Committee; Carmen Silvia (grower – São Paulo), Training Committee; Margaret Pederneiras (advertising agent – Rio de Janeiro), Projects Committee; Marisa Contreras (grower – Sul de Minas), Marketing Committee; Paula Dulgheroff (barista – Cerrado Mineiro), Events Committee; Ilana Bastos (grower – São Paulo), International Relations Committee.

This marked another stage in the formal creation of the Brazilian IWCA chapter, with the election of the board that would sign the Memorandum of Understanding. A year later, in 2012, during the 7th Espaço Café Brasil held in São Paulo, the Memorandum was signed, with the presence of the IWCA’s Vice-President at the time, Johanna Bot.

Thus, the Brazilian chapter of IWCA was created. This was the start of a discussion on gender within the Brazilian Coffee sector. Terms such as women’s empowerment became part of the vocabulary of women working with coffee in Brazil. It was a watershed, given the connections established between the different regions, discussions, exchanges and the adjustments in a process that was being collectively built. Above all, was a novelty to have a women’s organization in a sector where female voices are not heard.

Left coffee beanChapter 2Right coffee bean

Profile of the women working in the coffee sector in Brazil (Phase 1)

Williams Pinto Marques Ferreira

Silvana Maria Novais Ferreira Ribeiro

Humberto Paiva Fonseca

Thalyta Varejão Miranda

Camila Rafaela Gomes Dias

Nicole Gobeth Di Martino

Introduction

Brazil is the most significant coffee producer in the world. Since 1727, when coffee first arrived in Brazil, it has been associated with the history of the country’s development. It has acted as a litmus test for the wealth in the country, given that the revenue generated by coffee has speeded up Brazil’s growth, facilitating its access to the international market. Recently, the Brazilian coffee sector has been responsible for exporting over 30 million bags, generating revenue of over US$ 2 billion per year. Brazil continues to be the largest exporter of coffee in the world. It is responsible for 30% of the world’s recent coffee harvests. That is approximately 130 million (60 kg) bags (Conselho dos Exportadores de Café do Brasil, 2017).

From a production perspective, many people still believe that the coffee workforce is mainly made up of men. In fact, a significant part of this sector’s workers is female, and women must gain space and visibility in this market. History shows that the battle for recognition of women’s work is hard but gratifying.

The construction of female citizenship was painful, damaging and at the same time rewarding over the years. And continuous processes were fought in the fight for gender equality and recognition of women’s rights. However, women gradually managed to demand their rights and their freedom (Santos; Garcia, 2015, p. 297, our translation).1

What is the importance of women in society? Until the end of the 18th century, this question had an easy answer: women’s place was at home, caring for the family and their rights were not guaranteed. Today, this old-fashioned view persists in some social spheres, although changes are occurring to the paradigm of the role of women in the family and society. The importance of an egalitarian society, offering equal opportunities for women and men, both from an educational and political point of view, is an old demand that emerged in the 18th century. In 1792, Mary Wollstonecraft, in the United Kingdom, published a manifesto, expounding the needs of women (Taylor, 2003).

Great women authors, each in her time, raised the issue of women’s representation. From Jane Austen, a major influence on 19th century English literature with her hard and fearless heroines who challenged the ideas of their times to Marie Curie, Bertha Lutz, and Simone de Beauvoir in the 20th century, who broke paradigms and taboos, making significant contributions toward the recognition of the importance of women for society.

The role of women in history must be considered, taking into account struggles for equal rights, highlighting women’s need to work two shifts that involve both private domestic tasks and public professional activities. Women’s strength has shone through in their constant struggle for autonomy and recognition, as history shows when the ideology of “a woman’s place” is set aside within specific contexts:

Women became active union members during the war years, but this did not benefit them after the war when the managers reinstated the same sexual division of pre-war work conditions (Tilly, 1995, p. 57, our translation).2

In the post-war period, some feminist initiatives sought to “free” women from their own body, as well as addressing labour issues. Their aim was always equality. Freeman (1975) argues that between the 1960s and 1980s, the women’s liberation manifesto was an essential milestone in ensuring the rights of women.

Things were no different in Brazil. At that time, women were working in factories and the fields and their working hours did not cease when the working day was over. Often, they still had to perform domestic tasks, known as women’s double shift. Del Priore (2007) argues that this has been the case for women since colonial times, in the sugar-cane and coffee plantations of the Brazilian Republican period. According to the study, Portrait of Gender and Race Inequalities (Ipea, 2017), based on the 1995-2015 National Household Sample Survey (PNAD) historical series, compiled by the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics (IBGE), women work, on average, 7.5 hours more a week than men, because of the double shifts. In 2015, total average working hours for women were 53.6 and 46.1 for men.

Today, the role of women in Brazilian agriculture, a traditionally male sector, stands out. Women are gaining space and visibility as agronomists, businesswomen, landowners, rural workers, sharecroppers, tenants, among others.

According to the UN’s Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO, 2013), in 2013, 13% of rural properties in Brazil were owned by women. In comparison to the 1970s, when it was never above 8%, this number has almost doubled.

Women are present in all areas of the coffee industry, from planting to preparing a cup of coffee. The present work aims to establish the profile of women involved in the sector. It will contribute to the understanding of the current role of women in this industry in Brazil and help to improve the living standards of these women in the future.

The general aim of this work was to organize information about women involved in the coffee agribusiness in Brazil and describe their main characteristics. Specific objectives were to: present the percentage of women who answered the questionnaire in phase 1 of this project, by region; identify in which sectors of agribusiness they work; describe the age of these women; their socioeconomic profile (marital status, educational level, race, and income); identify the number of people in their families who also work in the coffee sector; and identify these women’s plans.

Potential impacts

Generating knowledge and visibility about the women involved in the different segments of the coffee agribusiness in Brazil to promote decision-making, initiatives, and programmes at the municipal, state and federal levels. Implementing actions to improve skills and provide further opportunities such as access to markets and credit and thereby benefit the entire sector and society as a whole.

Methodology

The current quantitative research was conducted using samples in seven stages: the design of the questionnaire; completion online and offline (the latter with the assistance of an interviewer), interviews; tabulation of collected data; processing of the data; preparation of graphs and maps; results analysis; and writing the final report of the findings.

Online questionnaires were made available via the Internet and hard copies were distributed at various coffee sector events.

The questions were structured to elicit the following information: 1) Who are the women involved in the coffee production chain in Brazil? and 2) in which regions of Brazil are they to be found?

Seven hundred and thirty-seven women answered the questionnaires between July 2016 and April 2017, of which 171 (23%) responded online and 566 (77%) offline. The data were tabulated and organized according to different interests and subsequently analysed to standardize answers and identify potential mistakes inherent in the completion of the questionnaires. Finally, they were quantified to facilitate the interpretation of the findings. After analysis of the data, graphs and maps were produced and presented in the final report.

Results

Related to the regions – The women that answered most of the questionnaires (73%) belonged to the largest coffee producing Brazilian states, that is, Minas Gerais (50.4%) and Espírito Santo (22.6%). The other 27% of women came from the following states: São Paulo (9.2%), Rondônia (8,4%), Paraná (6.5%) Bahia (2.2%) Rio de Janeiro (0.4%) and Ceará (0.1%) (Figure 1).

Figure 1. Percentage of questionnaires answered by micro-region or state (UF).

Most women work in coffee growing (about 60%) (Figure 2) as growers/landowners (approximately 90%) (Figure 3). Of all the 737 that answered the questionnaire, 268 (36.4%) did not answer the question “time spent in coffee growing”; among those who did (63.6%), most (approximately 60%) claimed that they spent part of their time on coffee growing and part in domestic tasks. Others (20.3%) had a second paid job, and only 18.1% worked full time in coffee growing. Finally, 4.7% said they did not spend their time looking after the land (Figure 4).

The other women who answered the questionnaires and did not work in coffee growing (approximately 40%), worked in teaching, research and outreach work (12.5%), as well as in coffee marketing and trading (9.9%). Other areas with smaller representation were processing (2.6%), advertising (1.9%), agricultural inputs (1.6%) and logistics (1.5%). Finally, 10.4% claimed that they worked in other areas (Figure 2).

Figure 2. Percentage of women working in different sectors who answered the questionnaire between July 2016 and April 2017 (n = 737).

Figure 3. Percentage of women with different roles in coffee production and who answered the questionnaire between July 2016 and April 2017.

Figure 4. Percentage of the 469 women working in the different areas of coffee production who answered the questionnaire on time management between July 2016 and April 2017 and how they manage their time at the property where they work.

Regarding the age range of respondents: most (76%) are between 26 and 59 years old, and within this group, the majority are between 26 and 35 years old (30.7%) (Figure 5). Half the women (50.3%) are married (43%) or in a stable relationship (7.3%) and the other half (44.2%) are single (41.2%) or widowed (3%); 5.5% did not answer this question (Figure 6).

Figure 5. Percentage of women by age who answered the questionnaire between July 2016 and April 2017.

Figure 6. Percentage of women by marital status who answered the questionnaire between July 2016 and April 2017.

Educational level: 58% of the respondents had studied to higher education (complete or incomplete) or post-graduate level. Only 40.6% of women have a lower educational level (up to secondary level, including technical education) (19.2%) or only (complete or incomplete) basic education (21.4%). Only 0.5% of respondents said that they were illiterate (Figure 7).

Figure 7. Percentage of the 737 women by educational level who answered the questionnaire between July 2016 and April 2017.

Most respondents considered themselves to be white (73.8%) while another 18.7%, mixed race. The percentage of black (3.7%) and Asian respondents (2.4%) was low; 1.4% did not answer this question (Figure 6). Figure 9 gives an overview of all regions with regard to colour/race as by the women was stated.

Figure 8. Percentage of the 737 women by colour/race who answered the questionnaire between July 2016 and April 2017.

Figure 9. Percentage of the 737 women by colour/race who answered the questionnaire between July 2016 and April 2017.

With regard to income, a little over 1/3 of respondents (35.4%) said that they earned between two and five times the minimum wage, another 1/3 (31.8%), over five times the minimum wage and a little less than 1/3 stated they earned the minimum wage or less (Figure 10).

Figure 10. Percentage of the 737 women by monthly income who answered the questionnaire between July 2016 and April 2017.

Figure 11 shows the number of respondents who answered questions on family members working in the coffee sector. The majority (76.8%) had more than one family member working in coffee. The most significant proportion (41.8%) said that one or two members of their family worked in the coffee sector. Few (19.4%) said that they had no members of their family working in this industry.

Figure 11. Percentage of the 737 women who said they had family members working in the coffee industry and answered the questionnaire between July 2016 and April 2017.

Finally, with regard to plans, approximately half the women said they wanted to continue to work on their farm/land/smallholding (30.9%) or increase the size of their cultivated areas (17%). The percentage of women who wanted to sell their property (3.5%) was low. Among these women, 0.8% wanted to remain working in the industry while 2.7% said they did not want to continue in the coffee sector; 43% said that they wanted to continue to work in the coffee industry, but while some (13.6%) wanted to remain in the area where they worked, others (11.7%) wanted to change to a different segment of the coffee industry (Figure 12).

Figure 12. Percentage of the 737 women who expressed their expectations for their future in the coffee industry and answered the questionnaire between July 2016 and April 2017.

Conclusion

The women who answered the questionnaire in the first phase of this study were mainly between 26 and 59 years old, and, more specifically, between 26 and 35 years old. Half the women respondents were single, and half married. Most earn between two and five times the minimum wage or over, and the majority have one or two members of their family also working in the coffee sector. Most of these women also considered themselves to be white and they were mainly growers/landowners or worked as teachers, researchers, and outreach workers, as well as in the coffee trade or marketing.

Most of the response to the questionnaires came from women in the following micro-regions: Minas/Mantiqueira, Matas de Minas and Cerrado Mineiro in the state of Minas Gerais; followed by Montanhas in Espírito Santo and Conilon Capixaba, both micro-regions in Espírito Santo. The two regions with the least number of women who answered the questionnaire were respectively Planalto da Bahia and the State of Ceará. This suggests that in these regions, we find the largest and the smallest numbers of women involved in the coffee sector.

Among the activities of respondents working in coffee production, the most significant were growers/landowners, followed by workers in education, research, and outreach, as well as the coffee trade and marketing. A smaller number of women who answered the questionnaire were rural workers (2.6%) or worked in other areas, such as logistics (1.5%), agricultural inputs (1.6%), advertising (1.9%) and processing/manufacturing (2.6%).

As regards time spent on different activities, most women growers said that they spent part of their working time on their property and part on domestic tasks. The smallest number of replies related to women who said they did not spend any of their working time in their properties.

Concerning future expectations, a large number of women hoped to continue within the coffee sector.

Based on the results, it may be observed that many respondents consider themselves white, have higher levels of education and income, and usually work as growers. This may be due to the places where the questionnaires were made available (symposiums, congresses, and meetings), which tend to congregate people of a particular profile.

This survey is relevant because it is a first attempt to measure the situation of women within the coffee sector. However, it is essential to conduct other studies in this sector, in the different regions of Brazil.

In addition to conducting this survey in symposiums, congresses, and meetings across the different coffee regions, the questionnaires should also be made available in other types of events, as well as on the coffee farms themselves. More specifically, this should be during the harvest season, when there a large number of seasonal workers are hired, particularly women, who are not usually seen as an integral part of the coffee business.

References

CONSELHO DOS EXPORTADORES DE CAFÉ DO BRASIL. Relatório mensal: abril 2017. Itaim Bibi, 2017.

DEL PRIORE, M. História das mulheres no Brasil. São Paulo: Ed. da UNESP, 2007.

FAO. No Brasil, 13% dos agricultores são mulheres. Brasília, DF, 18 July 2013. Available at: <http://www.fao.org/americas/noticias/ver/pt/c/230178/>. Access on: 25 July 2017:

FREEMAN, J. The politics of women’s liberation. New York: David McKay, 1975.

IPEA. Retrato das desigualdades de gênero e raça – 1995 a 2015. Available at: <http://www.ipea.gov.br/portal/images/stories/PDFs/170306_retrato_das_desigualdades_de_genero_raca.pdf>. Access on: 25 July 2017.

SANTOS, F. F.; GARCIA, M. F. A luta da mulher pela igualdade no campo: contradições e tensões no sistema capitalista. Revista Interface, n. 10, p. 296-303, Dec. 2015.

TAYLOR, B. Mary Wollstonecraft and the feminist imagination. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003.

TILLY, L. A. Gênero, história das mulheres e história social. Cadernos Pagu, n. 3, p. 28-62, 1994.

Recommended literature

AUSTEN, J. Orgulho e preconceito. São Paulo: Martin Claret, 2006.

BEAUVOIR, S. de. O Segundo sexo. Rio de Janeiro, Nova Fronteira, 2014.

Notes

1 “A construção da cidadania feminina foi árdua, deteriorante e ao mesmo tempo gratificante ao longo dos anos. Sucessivos processos na luta pela igualdade de gênero e reconhecimento dos direitos femininos foram travados. Contudo, aos poucos, as mulheres foram conquistando seus direitos e conseguindo sua libertação.”

2 “As mulheres tornaram-se membros ativos dos seus sindicatos durante os anos da guerra, mas isto não as beneficiou de maneira alguma após a guerra, quando as direções retornaram à divisão sexual do trabalho do pré-guerra”.

Left coffee beanChapter 3Right coffee bean

Women’s work and motherhood in the coffee fields: an account based on the oral memory of women in family agriculture

Tania Fontenele

Cristina Arzabe

Julia Nogueira

“When we can look back at ourselves through our own cultural creations, our actions, our ideas, our pamphlets, our organization, our history and our theory, we begin to integrate a new reality.” Sheila Rowbotham (1973 cited Lauretis, 1993, p. 122, our translation)1.

The coffee sector in Brazil can be thought of as one of the main sources of employment and family income in agriculture, playing an important social function. However, the role of women within the Brazilian coffee sector is largely invisible in social and historical studies. Unfortunately, there is not enough research in Brazil that approaches the coffee sector through a gender perspective, in all its stages.

In 2016, a research project and a video documentary were launched on this topic, aiming to contribute to studies focused on knowledge on the role of women in rural production. The research involved individual interviews with female family farmers and women landowners, as well as women working as sharecroppers, casual workers or wage-earners in Minas Gerais and Espírito Santo (phase 1). The aim was to record and present their daily routines, difficulties and the satisfaction these women get from working in this sector.

It is essential to highlight the innovative nature of this study in Brazil. It provides a unique opportunity to recover the history of coffee from a gender perspective.

This article seeks to contribute toward the historical preservation of women’s memoirs in the coffee agribusiness and provide data to develop efficient public policies that will value and support the work of these women. In this way, we hope to promote systematic research and the inclusion of gender in the discussions on coffee and other agribusinesses in Brazil and the world.

Coffee growing and modes of production

Like other Brazilian agricultural products, coffee is produced in two ways, through family and non-family-based agriculture. According to Act No. 11.326, of 24/7/2006 (Brasil, 2006), family farms are establishments or rural enterprises that rely on the workforce of family members (although there are other requirements). According to the last Agricultural Census, conducted in 2006, at the beginning of the 2000s, family farms corresponded to 84.4% of all Brazilian rural properties (approximately 378,000 properties) with an average area of 19 hectares. Of a total of almost 287,000 coffee-growing properties, over 230,000 were family farms, representing almost 80% of the total (IBGE, 2016).

The Brazilian Central Bank defined this class of grower (Resolution 2.191/95) (Banco Central do Brasil, 1995, art. 2º) in order to regulate the use of public resources made available via National Programme to Strengthen Family Farming (Pronaf) (Brasil, 1996). However, according to Paulilo (2004), only 7% of the programme’s beneficiaries, between 1996 and 2002, were women. Data from the Ministry of Agrarian Development (2005 cited Spanevello et al., 2016) shows that, in the 2001/2002 and 2002/2003 harvest plans, women were granted 10.4% and 10.5% of the total resources, respectively. In the 2003/2004 and 2004/2005 harvest plans, there was a small increase and 16.4% and 16.6% of funds, respectively, went to women.

However, taking as an example the State of Paraná, it is possible to question this increase in the access of women to Pronaf funds. Among the Pronaf beneficiaries that accessed it seven harvests in a row, women represented only 3%. However, when analysing women who accessed the fund between three and six times, this figure rose to 10% (Figure 1). Among the group of people that accessed Pronaf only twice, women represented 16%, and of those who accessed it only once, they represented 23% (Instituto Brasileiro de Análises Sociais e Econômicas, 2006).

Figure 1. Gender distribution by the number of harvest seasons when there was access to credit (% by gender for all benefits, per number of harvests) in the State of Paraná, Brazil.

Source: Instituto Brasileiro de Análises Sociais e Econômicas (2006).

According to Butto (2011), there are barriers to women’s long-term and quality access to Pronaf. This is because of their limited economic independence and restricted capacity to manage resources, given that they still find it difficult to deal with areas such as management and sales. One of the reasons for the lack of independence of rural women is their own belief that it is “the men who understand business” (Hernández, 2009, p. 146).

With regard to the legal status of the land where coffee is grown, the 2006 Agricultural Census identified five categories of coffee grower: landowners, tenants, sharecroppers, occupiers and settlers (settled by agrarian policy) (IBGE, 2016).

The women interviewed for this article were either owners of small rural properties or sharecroppers. Sharecroppers are individuals who, through a rural partnership agricultural contract, are granted the use of land belonging to a third party (the owners). In this type of working arrangement, sharecroppers and owner-growers share the risks, products and profits of production. Production must be divided between each party according to the partnership agricultural contract established beforehand. In addition, many female landowners or sharecroppers supplement their income by working for other landowners, especially during the coffee harvest period.

It is important to highlight that it was only after the adoption of the 1988 Brazilian Constitution (Brasil, 1988) that rural women were granted the status of “rural producers”, providing them with labour rights. From then on, efforts were made to unionize rural women and provide them with documents, as many did not even have an identity card, which is compulsory in Brazil. They were registered (mainly as wives) in the Register of Producers, a document where all commercial transactions of each rural property are recorded so that women can provide evidence that they are rural producers and, thus, have access to labour rights such as pensions, maternity leave and sick pay.

The domestic space and the production space

“Men work eight hours and women four because of their domestic duties.” This perception, as recorded by Paulilo (2004, p. 245), shows discrimination in practice when tasks traditionally associated with women, whether in the field or at home, are not considered work. “The fact that many tasks performed by women are not accounted for in official statistics – thus the expression ‘invisible work’ – reflects their lack of worth in the eyes of society and its main institutions, including the family”(Paulilo, 2004, p. 235).

However, the traditional separation between the domestic and the production spheres that occurs in cities is not so clear in the case of family-based agriculture. Silvestro et al. (2001) argue that in family-based agriculture there is no separation between business and the family and, often, the place of residence is also the workplace. Given that the unit of production is the family, women and children participate directly in what are considered economic activities. Thus, here, the spheres of reproduction and production interact with each other, in contrast to what occurs in urban areas, where these two spheres are clearly separated, leaving mothers who work outside the home, and are forced to leave their children in the care of others, anxious and insecure.

Studies concerned with the relations between women’s work and motherhood in rural areas (Hirata, 2002; Fontenele-Mourão, 2006; Hirata; Kergoat, 2007) highlight the number of difficulties women have reconciling work outside the home with caring for their children and domestic tasks. Women’s movements have long been fighting against the social division of labour and the poor provision of state facilities for mothers and children to spend time together. Full-time schools, creches, places for women to breastfeed their children with peace of mind and be able to rest, are recurrent topics in discussions about better working conditions for women. These mechanisms can lead to greater productivity and reduce the occurrence of mental health problems.

In this article, we present extracts of interviews which reveal the relationship between domestic tasks and agricultural production. We also show how learning and knowledge of tasks related to coffee growing and post-harvest activities are passed down from mothers and grandmothers through in loco observation and active participation during childhood.

The differences found and presented in this article with regard to the modus vivendi of rural women, in contrast to women who live and work in the urban centres, will be discussed more specifically in terms of diversity than inequality. Thus, we agree with Paulilo (2004) on the need to learn to live with greater pluralism and invest less in attempting “unification”.

Historically, the “universal subject” is male, and a chauvinistic conception is imbued in the construction of the term “work”. In this article, our contribution takes a female perspective on work and motherhood, focusing on the spoken accounts of women. It can be seen that the female conception of their work and contribution seems highly objective and visible, in contrast to what the literature would have us believe, that is, that women are mere co-helpers and that they are not present in the coffee sector in Brazil. Women have a clear perception of their role as active subjects in all stages of the production process. According to Paulilo (2004, p. 234), when women in family-based agriculture are asked about their heritage, for example, they state that “they have worked as much as their brothers in their parents’ land.” For these women, their demands of access to their heritage are not based on gender equality, nor on the fact that they are the legitimate daughters of their parents, but on the fact that they have worked to maintain and even increase the family assets “[...] as much as their brothers [...]”.

The rural women’s autonomous movements (MMAs) active in rural areas do not hold joint discussions with men. They prefer to talk “among women” because they consider the male presence inhibiting. In women-only forums, women can talk freely about the day-to-day inequalities that are reproduced within the family, without being told that this is “rubbish”, that they “don’t have anything serious to talk about”, or that they are “just complaining in general”. Often, women get emotional when they explore and share their worries for the first time (Paulilo, 2004).

These meetings can work as a preparation to enter the public space. They discuss gender inequality within the family group and try to overcome it, getting ready to understand other inequalities and overcome these too. They seek and organize ways of acquiring more skills so that they can be more independent in their dealings with society.

Material and methods

An inductive methodology was used, starting from data about the personal and specific experience of women leading to a more general point of view.

Knowledge is built from experience, by looking at these women from their own perspective as coffee growers. In order to reach and capture their perception, a semi-structured interview was used where the researchers applied a script or list of topics they need to address as a guide. The interview was relatively flexible. Questions did not need to follow a particular order and new questions could be asked as the interview progressed. But, in general, the interview followed the plan. The main advantages of semi-structured interviews are: the ability to access other information, going beyond what was proposed, to clarify certain aspects of the interview, provide guidance or hypotheses to further the investigation and define new strategies and other instruments.

For this article, extracts of nine semi-structured interviews with women working in coffee growing in the states of Minas Gerais (6) and Espírito Santo (3) were used. They were also recorded on video. The idea was to use their statements to discuss how rural women deal with work and motherhood. The questions steered women to remember and recount their own childhood (“Was your childhood in coffee? How was your childhood influenced by coffee?”), and to remember the role of their mothers and grandmothers (“Did your mother work with coffee? Did your grandmother?”), asking them to recall their own experiences as women and mothers, and their relationship with working in the fields, among the coffee plants, and on coffee terraces (“How is it to be a mother of small children and work with coffee? What is your routine like?”).

To record their accounts, a DSLR Canon 60d camera was used, together with a clip-on microphone. This is because a film documentary was also being produced to capture and record the statements that will serve as reference for future work to make the life experiences of these women more real. The respondent group was selected in an organic way, through previous contacts made with organized groups of small growers. Interviews lasted on average 30 minutes. The first interviews were conducted in front of family or friends, but it became clear that respondents felt inhibited, so subsequent interviews took place in private, only in the presence of research group members). The interviews took place in August 2016, during a trip to the coffee growing areas in the states of Minas Gerais and Espírito Santo. In order to keep the confidentiality of respondents, the authors decided to use only their initials, stating their occupation and place of residence.

Results and discussion

The women interviewed remembered their childhood as a time spent “among the coffee bushes”. That is where they played and learned about this environment, about the management system, observing their mothers and grandmothers, who kept the children close to them, interacting with them, as they worked.

My childhood occurred among the coffee bushes. This was OK at the time, wasn’t it? My mother was there in the coffee fields, my granny was there. My granny taught us how to pick coffee. When I was nine, I already sieved the coffee, to help my granny, to help mom. And coffee gave me money to pay for my son’s surgery, to raise my daughters. Everything I have comes from coffee (oral history, our translation)2.

We were raised in the middle of the crop. I remember being very little and my mom taking us all to the fields. She worked with coffee all the time, and we were behind her, helping her, all of us. It was even fun. My children were all raised in the fields. I have always helped my husband with the crop and I took my young ones there. My son once fell off the hammock, all the way down the hill. That was really hard! It was not easy to have children in the fields... We had to bathe them first, because if took them without a bath, they would not fall asleep. They had to have a bath and be clean to go to the fields, so they could sleep. Once they got there, they slept. We really wanted them to sleep, so we could work. It was difficult... Life in the fields is not at all easy... (oral history, our translation)3

On the day I was born (in 1952), my mother worked all day in the coffee fields. She had me all alone, at night, there was no light. My dad cut the umbilical cord. I was raised in the fields, right from when I was little (oral history, our translation)4.

The memories they have of their mothers are of women who worked hard, both in terms of the work they did in their own property and in that of other growers, to supplement their income, especially so they could afford to buy domestic goods. They talk about the example set by their mothers, from whom they learned to work with coffee.

My mother worked helping to clear the fields, with fertilizers, in the coffee harvest and on the terrace. [...] As well as helping my father during the harvest, she also worked outside the home, to buy things for herself, clothes for us, a new cooker, a new table, the first kitchen set she had, she bought with coffee money, a wardrobe, bedding, towels, all this my mother bought working for others, picking coffee (oral history, our translation)5.

My mother is a fighter, an example for us all. I can’t do what she does. She gets up early, she cooks. I can’t do it... I have never worked on the terrace... The terrace is too hard for me... But my mother is on the terrace, picks coffee, wakes up early... (oral history, our translation)6.

My mother never waits around, no... She used to take us under the coffee drying tents, we were little... She made lunch in the morning and left for the fields, we went with her. She would leave us under the coffee bushes, we would pick from there and she would pick from the branches. She would say: you don’t have to pick the cherries from the branches, I’ll do that. At that time, the drying tents were not as they are now, they were made of cork fabric. After cleaning the coffee, she would lift one of those bags of ripe cherries on her back – she never asked us to carry, no. She did everything (oral history, our translation)7.

My mother always went to the fields. She gathered all the children together and went to the fields to pick coffee, helping my father to pick. And she taught us how to pick coffee. [...] My mother-in-law also took all her children to the fields to pick coffee. It was hard work picking coffee, getting home and still having to look after the animals – at the time we had lots of goats, pigs – and it is always the women who look after them (oral history, our translation)8.

I remember my mom breaking her arm in the middle of the coffee harvest. We were living in other people’s land (the crop was half and half, that is, she was a sharecropper) and she had to pick coffee, dry it and deliver the bosses’ part all clean. My mother’s arm was plastered to her shoulder for 84 days. I remember she got a callous patch on her stomach, because she held the rake on her tummy, as she could not support it with her other hand, and she had to turn the coffee. She suffered a lot, but she did not give up, she didn’t leave the coffee to go off, nor did she go and tell the boss she wouldn’t turn it because she couldn’t. She simply found a way, she raked it that way, it gave her a callus, but she went on working. It is always like this in family farms, there is always something to discourage you. But this has never worked with my mother. She is never discouraged. She always manages to overcome problems and move on (oral history, our translation)9.

Being a mother of young children and working with coffee can be very difficult for women who need to divide their time between these two tasks. Some mothers can count on their older daughters for help. The idea that “work does not kill anyone, but only teaches and educates” leads us to think that the communal experiences of children with working adults are periods of learning. They play and learn about coffee in loco, near their parents and grandparents, who then become “living examples” and “masters” of this work.

It’s a rush... I used to take them to the fields... My eldest (daughter) looked after the two smaller ones... I turned the coffee with my son sitting on the rake, because he was very attached to me... I never found it difficult. I had a friend who had two children. She was always happy at work... If we arrived sad, she reminded everyone that this was a happy time... She sang, and shouted at the children dragging the cloth, it was great fun... And there were many women: young girls, women, children, older people, we all picked coffee together (oral history, our translation)10.

Outside picking time, it was easier. But during picking time, we had to get up early every day, make lunch, do the washing, all this in the morning. At around 7 we would leave for the fields. When the evening came again, we had to look after the children, do the washing. I’ll say something: it’s a struggle! Going to bed late and waking up early every day. In the fields, the children would say: mom, the stars are out. It’s time to go (oral history, our translation)11.

That year, I only picked coffee for a month, and then the terrace was full, and I stayed on the terrace. I wake up early, cook lunch, snacks, make the coffee... I sort out our lunch boxes and send it all to the fields. Then, I open the cloths and spread the coffee, and it’s spreading coffee all day long. Until around five o’clock, when the last “clothfull” of coffee is gathered. Then I come home, sort out the kitchen from lunch, make dinner, then coffee, ‘cos when people arrive, the first thing they want is coffee (oral history, our translation) 12.

In those days, we picked the coffee from the ground, then we had to turn it in the sieves. At the end of the day, you had no colour left... Today the coffee is no longer on the ground. But I sieved a lot of coffee, even when I was heavily pregnant. I had four children, and I was pregnant with my fifth when my husband died. My daughter was born fifteen days later and after eight days, I was already out with a hoe in hand. My children were raised in the middle of the fields. I used to take my little girl with me, I looked after her belly button in the fields, three or four times a day. I took a lot of care, her hammock was so cute, all tidy in the middle of the fields. I left to work at seven in the morning and arrived back at home at seven in the evening. Night-time was time for housework. I always took things for the children to eat in the fields, popcorn, little snacks. They would spend all day there. I was never angry with them and they would get back home happy. Even the little ones, they knew how to plant and look after the coffee plants. It was difficult, but it was better than what I see nowadays. Parents work, and children stay at home alone... what are they doing? They do things they shouldn’t, like taking drugs. My children were never difficult, one of them is a priest and the others work in coffee. Working does not kill anyone. It only teaches you. It’s an education (oral history, our translation)13.

When women participate in the women’s movement, they establish a network that could be understood as an “enabler”. It prepares women to occupy spaces which that have for long been considered a male privilege, as was the case of the public sphere (Fernandes, 2013). According to Paulilo (2004), all rural women’s movements in Brazil have something in common: they all discuss issues related to the visibility of women and the fact that they need to stress their position as rural producers, by no longer completing official documents with terms such as “housewife”, as always used to be the case.

We are showing that women are important. Because, before, women did not even say they were growers. They were “housewives”. They worked in coffee but completed forms stating they were “housewives”. They are not “housewives”, they are growers. They help their husbands grow. So, they need to be known as rural producers, because when they need to help their husbands, they are there, they work with coffee, but then, only the husbands are identified as growers, not the women. So, the women’s centres we are working with are there to value women (oral history, our translation)14.

The statements show that the role of rural women in coffee cultivation is associated both with work performed in the private sphere, the home environment, such as cooking lunch, snacks, coffee, washing clothes, doing the washing up and childcare, as well as in the public sphere, where women are involved in the various stages of cultivation such as planting, fertilizing, weeding, picking and drying coffee.

To perform the work required at different stages, many recall their mothers and grandmothers taking them to the fields. They learned how to grow and pick coffee from them. Similarly, so that these women could work and help provide for the family, they took their children to the fields, and the children also participated in what was going on, by playing, observing and imitating their elders. No conflict between motherhood and work was observed among the respondents. Although many consider the period when children are very small and in need of fulltime care to be “a struggle” or “rushed”.

Final considerations

It is important that women are taught specific skills by women, on various topics such as management, budgeting and planning. It is essential to find ways for children to be close by, so that their mothers can gain skills, and while they are on the training courses, others look after their children and play with them.

References

BANCO CENTRAL DO BRASIL. Resolução nº 2191. Crédito rural - Institui o Programa Nacional de Fortalecimento da Agricultura Familiar (PRONAF). Brasília, DF, 1995. Available at: <http://www.bcb.gov.br/pre/normativos/res/1995/pdf/res_2191_v3_L.pdf>. Access on: 17 July 2017.

BRASIL. Constituição da República Federativa do Brasil de 1988. Brasília, DF, 1988. Available at: <http://www.planalto.gov.br/ccivil_03/constituicao/constituicao.htm>. Access on: 17 July 2017.

BRASIL. Decreto nº 1.946, de 28 de junho de 1996. Cria o Programa Nacional de Fortalecimento da Agricultura Familiar - PRONAF, e dá outras providências. Diário Oficial [da] República Federativa do Brasil, 1 jul. 1996. Available at: <http://www.planalto.gov.br/ccivil_03/decreto/d1946.htm>. Access on: 17 July 2017.

BRASIL. Lei nº 11.326, de 24 de julho de 2006. Estabelece as diretrizes para a formulação da Política Nacional da Agricultura Familiar e Empreendimentos Familiares Rurais. Diário Oficial da União, 25 jul. 2006. Available at: <http://www.planalto.gov.br/ccivil_03/_ato2004-2006/2006/lei/l11326.htm>. Access on: 17 July 2017.

BUTTO, A. Políticas para as mulheres rurais: autonomia e cidadania. In: BUTTO, A.; DANTAS, I. (Org.). Autonomia e cidadania: políticas de organização produtiva para as mulheres do meio rural. Brasília, DF: Ministério do Desenvolvimento Agrário, 2011. p. 11-34.

FERNANDES, S. A. Entraves para inclusão de gênero no Pronaf Mulher no meio rural de Santa Catarina. Revista Grifos, n. 34/35, p. 157-175, 2013.

FONTENELE-MOURÃO, T. M. Mulheres no topo de carreira: flexibilidade e persistência. Brasília, DF: Secretaria Especial de Políticas para as Mulheres, 2006. 91 p.

HERNÁNDEZ, C. O. Política de crédito rural com perspectiva de gênero: um meio de “empoderamento” para as mulheres rurais? 2009. 248 f. Tese (Doutorado em Desenvolvimento Rural) – Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul, Porto Alegre.

HIRATA, H. Nova divisão sexual do trabalho? Um olhar voltado para a empresa e a sociedade. São Paulo: Boitempo, 2002. 336 p.

HIRATA, H.; KERGOAT, D. Novas configurações da divisão sexual do trabalho. Cadernos de Pesquisa, v. 37, n. 132, p. 595-609, 2007.

IBGE. A geografia do café: dinâmica territorial da produção agropecuária. Rio de Janeiro, 2016. 133 p.

INSTITUTO BRASILEIRO DE ANÁLISES SOCIAIS E ECONÔMICAS. Relatório Pronaf: resultados da etapa Paraná. Rio de Janeiro, 2006. Available at: <http://www.ibase.br/userimages/pub_pronaf_final4.pdf>. Access on: 26 July 2017.

LAURETIS, T. de. Através do espelho: mulher, cinema e linguaguem. Revista Estudos Feministas, v. 1, n. 1, p. 96-122, 1993. Available at: <https://periodicos.ufsc.br/index.php/ref/article/view/15993/14488>. Access on: 17 July 2017.

PAULILO, M. I. S. Trabalho familiar: uma categoria esquecida de análise. Revista Estudos Feministas, v. 12, n. 1, p. 229-252, 2004. Available at: <http://www.scielo.br/scielo.php?pid=S0104-026X2004000100012&script=sci_abstract&tlng=pt>. Access on: 25 jul. 2017.

SILVESTRO, M. L.; ABRAMOVAY, R.; MELLO, M. A.; DORIGON, C.; BALDISSERA, I. T. Os impasses sociais da sucessão hereditária na agricultura familiar. Brasília, DF: Ministério do Desenvolvimento Agrário, Nead, 2001. 120 p.

SPANEVELLO, R. M.; MATTE, A.; BOSCARDIN, M. Crédito rural na perspectiva das mulheres trabalhadoras rurais da agricultura familiar: uma análise do Programa Nacional de Fortalecimento da Agricultura Familiar (PRONAF). Polis: revista latinoamericana, v. 15, n. 44, p. 393-414, 2016.

Notes

1 “Quando podemos lembrar de nós mesmas através de nossas criações culturais, ações ideias, panfletos, organização, história, teoria, começamos a integrar uma nova realidade.”

2 D. F. V. A., sharecropper in São Gonçalo do Sapucaí, MG, Brazil, oral history obtained by the authors in 2016.

3 M. H. C. E., coffee grower from Laginha, MG, Brazil, oral history, obtained by the authors in 2016.

4 C. P.C., coffee grower from Laginha, MG, Brazil, oral history, obtained by the authors in 2016.

5 P. R. S., coffee grower from Laginha, MG, Brazil, oral history, obtained by the authors in 2016.

6 K. F. S. O., coffee grower from Mutum, MG, Brazil, oral history, obtained by the authors in 2016.

7 T. B. P., coffee grower from Laginha, MG, Brazil, oral history, obtained by the authors in 2016.

8 R. H. D. V., coffee grower from Iuna, ES, Brazil, oral history, obtained by the authors in 2016.

9 M. J. C., coffee grower from Laginha, MG, Brazil, oral history, obtained by the authors in 2016.

10 M. P. S., coffee grower from Mutum, MG, Brazil, oral history, obtained by the authors in 2016.

11 M. H. C. E., coffee grower from Laginha, MG, Brazil, oral history, obtained by the authors in 2016.

12 M. P. S., coffee grower from Mutum, MG, Brazil, oral history, obtained by the authors in 2016.

13 C. P.C., coffee grower from Laginha, MG, Brazil, oral history, obtained by the authors in 2016.

14 R. H. D. V., coffee grower from Iuna, ES, Brazil, oral history, obtained by the authors in 2016.

Left coffee beanChapter 4Right coffee bean

Women’s participation in the evolution of coffee in Mata de Minas

Marisa Alice Singulano

Coffee growing was first introduced to Matas de Minas in the 19th century, when this region became one of the wealthiest in the State of Minas Gerais. It has been discussed in other works (Alves, 2008; Singulano, 2015), based on the historiography of the region, have discussed the process of occupation of the Matas region that started with the expansion of coffee cultivation from the Vale do Paraíba (outside the State of Minas Gerais). Some historians argue that coffee production in the Matas de Minas region started with its cultivation in the Vale do Paraíba, through the expansion of the agricultural frontier. Part of this historiography focuses on a specific part of the southern region of Matas which, until the 1830s, had a significant role in coffee production (Blasenheim, 1982).

However, it is important to highlight that, throughout the 19th century, coffee growing moved toward the northern part of the Matas region, to include the entire eastern region of Minas Gerais. According to Carrara (1993), until approximately 1890, the occupation of the Matas region was driven by coffee. But this occupation was not uniform and was linked to different socioeconomic factors present across the region. Carrara stresses that the Matas region did not form a single economic entity at the time of the Empire and the First Republic. He argues (Carrara, 1993) that in its southern part, coffee was produced as a monoculture, based on latifundia (large estates) and slave labour for export, as was the case in the Vale do Paraíba, from where coffee growing originated. From this southern region, in the Rio Paraibuna Valley, coffee moved initially north, through the Pomba River Valley, and by the middle of the 19th century, there was already significant production in the central areas of the Matas region. Areas further north were difficult to access, limiting the spread of coffee, given that production needed to reach the ports of Rio de Janeiro. These problems were finally overcome around the mid-1800s, with the construction of the railway network. From then on, expansion of coffee production to the rest of the region, including the northern, north-eastern and north-western parts of Matas, continued up to the 1890s. Carrara (1993) argues that, in this context, to understand the social and economic reality of Minas Gerais, as well as coffee plantations, it is essential to consider the family farms and subsistence farming that served the local markets.

With coffee already occupying the entire Matas region, the end of the 19th century saw a coffee boom (Blasenheim, 1982), which lasted until 1897. According to Blasenheim, the profit-making potential of coffee at the time stemmed from the fact that vast tracts of the land were given over to coffee. Consequently, other foodstuffs had to be imported, destroying the region’s previous trend towards self-sufficiency. In 1898, there was a crisis, the result of overproduction, followed by soil exhaustion in the cultivated lands to the south of this region. According to Blasenheim (1982), 1897 to 1906 were years of crisis in the coffee sector and saw a change in the economic configuration of the Matas region.

However, coffee was still expanding into the central and northern parts of the region, due to the fact that the land there had only been recently deforested and was not yet exhausted. The coffee crisis that affected the market more generally had a much smaller impact in these parts of the Matas region, given that agricultural diversity was already one of its characteristics. Furthermore, according to Carrara (1993, p. 73) “the abolition of slavery represented a great economic blow to the southern regions of Matas de Minas”. In the central and northern parts, on the other hand, slave labour had been far less relevant. The restructuring of the labour system was less significant. Thus, despite the slave system crisis, coffee cultivation in these subregions was fairly profitable, as there was enough non-slave labour available. This was partly due to the existence of settlements of foreigners in the region, made possible by the arrival of the railway in the early 1880s, reaching some important towns in the central and northern districts of Matas such as Ubá, Viçosa and Ponte Nova.

The transition from slavery to paid labour, given the number of rural poor, marginal or unskilled people, led to the development of systems of sharecropping or partnerships in the region. Indeed, it could be said that sharecropping became an essential feature of coffee growing in the Matas region with the transition away from slavery to free labour at the end of the 19th century. This type of working arrangement is still very relevant for coffee growing in the region today.

Coffee growing remained important in the region throughout the 20th century and remains so to this day. It is based on a production model that evolved in the central and northern parts of the region, where slavery, latifundia and monocultures did not play a significant role and did not, therefore, determine the local pattern of social organization. Furthermore, coffee growing no longer occurs in the south of the Matas region.

Smallholdings and the diversification of agricultural production have always been important and practised alongside coffee growing which, according to Carrara (1993), can explain the characteristic features of today’s coffee cultivation in Matas de Minas. Small and medium-sized properties are responsible for a large part of the coffee production in the district, involving a significant number of family farms. Wage labour and temporary work are also an important feature of coffee growing, frequently used in activities demanding a large workforce that family farms are unable to supply, such as the harvest.

The Matas de Minas region is the oldest coffee growing region in Minas Gerais and one of the oldest in Brazil which still has a significant production, given that the original coffee producing areas, such as the Vale do Paraíba, have declined in importance. In addition, some features of Matas de Minas distinguish it from other coffee growing regions in the State and from the Brazil’s predominant image as a producer in the international market. One of these features is the importance of family farms. In addition, the technology used – a significant feature of agribusiness and a consequence of the modernization of Brazilian agriculture – is somewhat “traditional” in large parts of the Matas de Minas coffee region. The use of an outside workforce in most properties means that family work and other forms of paid labour, given the specificities of coffee growing in the region, complement each other, especially because of manual picking and the need for the intensive use of labour.

The Matas de Minas region encompasses 63 municipalities and occupies 3% of the State of Minas Gerais. However, it is responsible for 24% of its coffee production, with over 30% of all growers, given the large concentration of small producers. In Matas de Minas there are over 36,000 agricultural properties producing coffee, approximately 35% of all properties in the entire State (IBGE, 2012). Figure 1 shows coffee growing properties in Matas de Minas according to total property size (in hectares). Note the small average size of properties in the region. Over 80% of coffee producing properties in Matas de Minas are less than 20 hectares, i.e. are smaller than what most municipalities in the region define as “fiscal units” (IBGE, 2012). Given that four units is the legal benchmark establishing the maximum size of properties that can be classified as family farms and that the fiscal units of the municipalities in the region tend not to exceed 30 hectares, over 90% of properties in the region can be classed as family farms.

Figure 1. Classification by area (hectare) of coffee-producing properties in Matas de Minas.

Source: CEC/SEBRAE (Brazilian Micro and Small Business Support Service), based on the last Agricultural Census, conducted in 2006, in Rufino (2013).

Cordeiro et al. (2010) present the following conclusions regarding the characteristics of producers, the properties and the activity of coffee growing in the Matas region, when they analysed data from a study coordinated by Vilela and Rufino (2010). Each property generally uses different types of working arrangements, which includes family work, sharecropping and or formal labour (workers in possession of work documents and social insurance), either permanent or temporary. Figure 2 shows data relating to each type of working arrangement in coffee growing in the Mata region, according to property size (small, medium and large).

Figure 2. Types of working arrangement employed in coffee growing according to large, medium and small properties in the Matas region.

Source: Cordeiro et al. (2010).

The data shows the importance of sharecropping. It represents 47% of the workforce employed in the large properties, 50% in medium-sized properties and 33% of the workforce in small properties. In addition to sharecropping, family labour is also responsible for the sustainability of coffee growing in the Matas region. It represents 34% of the workforce in large properties, 56% in medium-sized properties, and 70% in small properties (Cordeiro et al., 2010). As mentioned above, as well as family labour, sharecropping is one of the main forms of employment, providing access to land in the region, in contrast to other rural areas, where this type of working arrangement is declining.

The involvement of the family in productive activities depends on the family composition and availability of labour. As coffee growing requires a large workforce, especially during harvest time and the family is not always sufficient, temporary workers are commonly hired by both large and small properties.

In family farms, work is performed by the family members available which, in general, excludes school age children. Women, however, are generally involved in the productive activity, especially during harvest time, because of the demand for labour. In many of the properties visited, women spent part of their day on domestic tasks and part on coffee picking. In other cases, women participated fully with men in the harvest, especially during peak times and if there were no small children in the family. In some rural communities that we visited for our field research, conducted between 2011 and 2014, we observed that the family’s working arrangements during harvesttime meant that the men went to the fields, while the women stayed at home, taking care of domestic tasks, the children and food for the workers and then, throughout the rest of the day, they spread and turned the coffee cherries brought to the terraces to dry. This is an essential part of the post-harvesting process, which impacts on the quality of the coffee (Singulano, 2015).

The fact that the women stay at home, and that the drying terraces are next to their houses, allows them to turn the coffee throughout the day, so that drying is more uniform, with a positive effect on the quality of the product. This is a strategy that improves the quality of coffee in family farms, where there is no infrastructure for peeling and drying the product.

Although women are involved in the production process, conversations often reveal that they are excluded from decisions about the management of the property and coffee sales negotiations. In many of the properties visited, whenever we mentioned research about the coffee sector, especially with regard to sales and marketing, the women said that this was a matter for their husbands and, in some cases, their adult sons, because they had no understanding of the topic. However, when we started to talk, they managed to speak about the subject and, even if their husbands conducted the negotiations for selling the harvest, they generally knew to whom it was being sold, for how much and what were the terms and conditions of the sale. This shows that women generally do have knowledge about the production and sale of coffee and are actually involved throughout the process. However, the discourse generally associates production, and in particular, coffee sales negotiations with men, legitimizing the exclusion of women from economic decisions.

In family farms, there are other strategies to deal with lack of labour, such as forms of cooperation between community members based on reciprocity. For example, the exchange of days of work and the organization of work parties. Growers frequently resort to a number of work allocation strategies. This is particularly important for small growers, where they are an essential part of economic and social strategies. Smallholders often work as hired hands in other properties during the harvest season in order to supplement their income, while owners of very small properties tend to be tenants or sharecroppers in other areas of work as a way of supplementing their production, thus family production viable. These situations need to be seen against a background in which the domestic economy and mutual collaboration are essential to economic organization.

The literature on family farming in Brazil frequently addresses working arrangements in the domestic setting and the place of women in production. The traditional division of labour in the family setting is described by authors such as Moura (1978), Heredia (1979) and Garcia Júnior (1983) has been gradually changing due to se series of social, economic and political events that have transformed Brazil’s social structure. According to Fiúza (2006), since the 1970s, changes in rural areas have led to family farmers and, in particular, women, becoming more significant for the rural environment. With the migratory movement of men, which started around this time, women became heads of household. Said and Moreira (2015) argue that the increasing participation of women in politics is another positive aspect of recent changes in the rural areas in Brazil. In their view, the growing economic autonomy of women is linked to an increase in women’s political representation.

In Matas de Minas it can be observed that women are increasingly either responsible or co-responsible for production units and hold important positions in the coffee value chain, as well as in organizational and political representation forums. In the latter case, an important watershed has been the creation of the local chapter of the International Women’s Coffee Alliance (IWCA/Brasil, Matas de Minas branch) in 2014.

Since the 1990s, the Matas de Minas region has undergone other more general changes. Two factors are particularly significant in this process: first, the improvement in the quality of coffee, and above all, the recognition of this quality by agents in the value chain; second, the emergence of a regional identity, expressed by the denomination “Matas de Minas”. This second factor can be considered the outcome of the process of recognition of the quality of the region’s coffee. Local identity was reinforced, as soon as the region gained recognition a potential producer of good quality coffees. This led to a demand for the development of a new denomination: Matas de Minas.

These changes are closely associated with growers’ efforts to produce quality coffee and the support of both local government and civil society. In the framework of redefining the Matas de Minas regional identity, it is important to highlight the work begun in 2010 by Brazilian Micro and Small Business Support Service (Sebrae) Minas Gerais, the Matas de Minas Centre for Coffee Excellence and other organizations representing the region’s coffee producers to improve quality and increase the competitiveness of the Matas de Minas coffee. As part of this process, in 2013, the Matas de Minas Coffee Producers’ Council was established. It is made up of various growers’ organizations, including credit unions and growers’ cooperatives, associations, as well as workers’ and growers’ unions, whose aim is to provide institutional and political representation for this producing region.

Currently, the Matas de Minas region stands out in both the national and international coffee landscape because of its special characteristics: artisanal and sustainable, family-produced coffee. It is fair to say that women have a fundamental role in this type of production, contributing to the management of family farms and taking care of the artisanal and sustainable production. Furthermore, it is clear that women are also involved in the organizations responsible for developing and strengthening the identity of Matas de Minas. We can therefore conclude that women have made a valuable contribution to the development of the modern and promising coffee sector in Matas de Minas.

References

ALVES, M. A. S. O patrimônio de Dom Viçoso: economia e sociabilidade entre camponeses da região da Serra do Brigadeiro – MG. 2008. 155 f. Dissertação (Mestrado em Antropologia) – Universidade Federal de Minas Gerais, Belo Horizonte.

BLASENHEIM, P. A regional history of the Zona da Mata in Minas Gerais, Brazil: 1870-1906. Stanford: Stanford University, 1982. 744 p.

CARRARA, A. A. A Zona da Mata de Mineira: diversidade econômica e continuísmo (1839-1909). 1993. 167 f. Dissertação (Mestrado em História) – Universidade Federal Fluminense, Niterói.

CORDEIRO, A. T.; SINGULANO FILHO, G.; RIBEIRO, M. F. Caracterização da propriedade, do cafeicultor e da atividade cafeeira. In: VILELA, P. S.; RUFINO, J. L. S. Caracterização da cafeicultura de montanha de Minas Gerais. Belo Horizonte: INAES, 2010. p. 33-97.

FIÚZA, A. L. C. Mulher igual natureza? As políticas de desenvolvimento sustentável de uma perspectiva de gênero. In: WOORTMANN, E. F.; HEREDIA, B.; MENACHE, R. (Ed.). Margarida Alves: coletânea sobre estudos rurais e gênero. Brasília, DF: MDA: IICA, 2006. p. 278-308.

GARCIA JÚNIOR, A. R. Terra de trabalho: trabalho familiar de pequenos produtores. Rio de Janeiro: Paz e Terra, 1983. 248 p. (Coleção Estudos sobre o Nordeste, v. 8).

HEREDIA, B. M. A. A morada da vida: trabalho familiar de pequenos produtores no nordeste do Brasil. Rio de Janeiro: Paz e Terra, 1979. 164 p.

IBGE. Censo agropecuário 2006: Brasil, Grandes Regiões e Unidades da Federação: segunda apuração. Rio de Janeiro, 2012. 758 p. Available at: <https://ww2.ibge.gov.br/english/estatistica/economia/agropecuaria/censoagro/default.shtm>. Access on: 25 July 2017.

MOURA, M. M. Os herdeiros da terra: parentesco e herança numa área rural. São Paulo: Hucitec, 1978. 100 p.

RUFINO, J. L. S. Dimensão e importância da cafeicultura das Matas de Minas. In: SIMPÓSIO SOBRE CAFEICULTURA DE MONTANHA, 17., 2013, Manhuaçu. [Palestras...] [Brasília, DF: Embrapa Café], 2013.

SAID, M. A.; MOREIRA, S. L. S. Mulheres e agroecologia: multiplicadoras agroecológicas transformando o semiárido. In: HORA, K.; REZENDE, M.; MACEDO, G. (Ed.). Coletânea sobre estudos rurais e gênero: Prêmio Margarida Alves: mulheres e agroecologia. 4. ed. Brasília, DF: Ministry of Agrarian Development, 2015. p. 171-190.

SINGULANO, M. A. Desregulamentação e mudança institucional no mercado de café: um estudo de caso na região das Matas de Minas. 2015. 262 f. Tese (Doutorado em Sociologia) – Universidade Federal de Minas Gerais, Belo Horizonte.

VILELA, O. S.; RUFINO, J. L. S. Caracterização da cafeicultura de montanha de Minas Gerais. Belo Horizonte: INAES, 2010. 300 p.

Left coffee beanChapter 5Right coffee bean

Women and the rural environment – coffee growing in Matas de Minas

Viviani Silva Lírio

Silvana Maria Novais Ferreira Ribeiro

Sustainable development involves fundamental changes to development patterns in force in Brazil, establishing as one of its guiding principles the promotion of equality in all its different dimensions. Gender equality is a basic requirement for the promotion of solidary and sustainable development. (Observatório Brasil da Igualdade de Gênero, 2017).

One of the greatest challenges for the development of societies is understanding and providing visibility to the female workforce, taking into account its nuances, skills, abilities and differences. It is crucial to highlight, first of all, (and well short of full discussion of the subject), the importance of simply recognizing women’s participation in the labour force, as it can increase the human capital potential of any nation. It is also important, however, to recognize its current limitations and its necessary expansion. Thus, according to the World Economic Forum (WEF), improving gender equality has a positive correlation with an increase in a country’s per capita GDP, competitiveness and human development. According to the International Labour Organization (cited BBC Brasil, 2017), “bringing women into the economy increases a family’s ability to purchase goods and services1. It also increases income tax revenues – another interesting study on this issue was conducted by Trovão and Leone (2013).

According to one of the organization’s specialists on this topic “a country can develop itself with equality and social justice and also improve its productivity and GDP” (Faria cited BBC Brasil, 2017).

One of the most renowned authors on development, Amartya Sen, argues that “[...] societies need to see women less as passive recipients of help, and more as dynamic promoters of social transformation [...]” (World Economic Forum, 2005, p. 3).

According to the World Economic Forum, WEF, there is “[...] a view strongly buttressed by a body of evidence suggesting that the education, employment and ownership rights of women have a powerful influence on their ability to control their environment and contribute to economic development.” (World Economic Forum, 2005, p. 3).

In this context, and given the importance of recognizing and disseminating the current lack of equilibrium, the United Nations Development Fund for Women (Unifem) highlighted five dimensions for analysis that need to be taken into account when studying women’s empowerment and opportunities (World Economic Forum, 2005): 1) economic participation; 2) economic opportunity; 3) political empowerment; 4) educational progress; and 5) health and well-being. In a recent survey, conducted at the end of 2015, Brazil was ranked 85th among 109 countries analysed with regard to these dimensions, graded from 1 to 7 (where 1 was the worst situation and 7 the most egalitarian). Even considering all the limitations of these classifications, it is important to reflect on why Brazil is ranked so low and why this is reflected in other national statistics, such as the levels of violence against women, the small numbers of women participating in politics and wage gaps.

Therefore, all efforts aimed at discussing and proposing ways of improving gender equality should be valued. More than promoting this essential debate, it is important to ensure that mechanisms supporting women’s empowerment include proposals and initiatives that can effectively reduce the gap between men and women in education, incomes and representation. This chapter seeks to identify some of the nuances on this topic from the perspective of women’s role in the rural environment. More specifically, it describes some of the recent measures taken in Matas de Minas to mobilize and reorganize women’s involvement in coffee cultivation.

Women’s involvement in the rural environment: challenges, invisibility and perspectives

To talk about the role of women in agriculture, particularly in terms of coffee cultivation in Minas Gerais, is to talk about rural production in general. Just as the development of the coffee sector is intertwined with the development of Brazil, it is impossible to disentangle women’s actions from the inherent growth and dynamics of this activity. However, just like in other sectors, women’s involvement is somewhat invisible, given that, generally, it is men who are recognized for their labour and are identified with the attainment of quality and success; it is men that are seen as being responsible for rural development.

Di Sabbato et al. (2009) argue that it is important that the spectre of the sexual division of labour and the importance of women’s protagonism should feature ever more prominently when debating agriculture. For these authors, part of the challenge relates to the cultural aspects of the development of society, where

Men are generally associated with the productive and women with the reproductive sphere. In addition, the work performed by men is seen as being more worthwhile and as adding more value. (Di Sabbato et al., 2009, p. 18).

For this reason, and just this reason, “this formula allows us to analyse the links between production and reproduction and explain the simultaneity of productive and reproductive work and their differentiated exploration in the world of production and in remunerated work” (Di Sabbato et al., 2009, p. 18).

Specifically in the Brazilian rural setting, where social relations tend to be more traditional and cultural divisions more complex, it is important to highlight the commitment and the strength of women’s (and, why not, feminist) initiatives. After all, despite the fact that statistics reveal an improvement in gender equality, it can still be seen, particularly in rural areas, that a large number of women continue to work long working days, without remuneration.

In Brazil, the organization and mobilization of women rural workers accelerated during the process that resulted in the current Brazilian Constitution, in the 1980s, with the expansion of rights to social security and the guarantee of retirement pensions at least equal to the minimum wage. This represented one of the most significant mechanisms of income redistribution in recent decades. Rural female workers gained recognition, although, in practice, actual implementation of these rights has been slow. The fact that they exist on paper has neither automatically changed family relations nor the fact that women are held responsible for domestic tasks. The women’s movements are some of the most well-established movements in Brazil and have good organic and mobilization capacity. (Di Sabbato et al., 2009, p. 13).

Despite the significant and seminal discussions that took place in 1978, with Neuma Aguiar, during the seminar Women in the Workforce in Latin America, followed by discussions at the beginning of the 1980s during the seminar Women, Agriculture and Rural Modernization in Latin America, it was only in 1987 that another important forum, more specifically for the rural setting, broadened the debate. This was a seminar entitled Rural Women: Identities in Research and Political Struggle that took place in Rio de Janeiro, coordinated by Lena Lavinas, based at the Federal University of Rio de Janeiro (UFRJ).

In all these and subsequent forums, the importance of broadening research on women’s involvement in productive activities became clear, so as to bring greater visibility to the subject. Some simple data allow us to predict some results: the assessment of statistics comparing men and women living in rural areas and data highlighting women’s participation in rural activities. According to the 2006 Census of Agriculture (IBGE, 2017), the number of women working in agricultural and livestock rearing activities was less than half the number of men (Figure 1), showing that women were little involved in economic activities in this period.

Figure 1. People employed in agricultural and livestock rearing activities in 2006.

Source: IBGE (2017).

Another important aspect that needs to be carefully analysed by those interested in supporting a new configuration of women, both in terms of recognition and responsibility, is education (Figure 2). It is essential to raise awareness of the importance of formal education in rural areas and efforts, such as effective public policies, to mitigate the gap between educational objectives and practice. As well as expanding knowledge, both general and specific, education is an intrinsically transformative activity at the individual, social and regional level. According to the WEF (World Economic Forum, 2005), educational achievement is essential to the empowerment of women in all spheres of society (Figure 2).

[...] without education of comparable quality and content to that given to boys and men, women are unable to access well-paid, formal sector jobs, advance within them, participate in, and be represented in government and gain political influence [...]. If, as a broad body of empirical work has shown, education and literacy reduce mortality rates of children — including the bias toward female child mortality — and help reduce fertility rates, the importance of literacy for women is all the greater, considering that women still constitute two-thirds of the world’s illiterate population. (World Economic Forum, 2005, p. 5).

Figure 2. Education levels, in numbers of years of study, of women over 10 years of age, by place of residence, 2013.

Source: Brasil (2015).

As a result, these dichotomies are reflected in the average monthly wages of men and women, both in rural and urban areas. Besides these analytical variables, it is important to aggregate colour/race, which reveal even greater gaps between the different profiles studied (Figure 3).

Figure 3. Average monthly income, in reals, for workers in all sectors, 16 years and over, by sex, colour/race and place of residence, 2013.

Source: Brazil (2015).

The data in Figure 3 show not only that the average income in rural areas is 60% lower than in urban areas, but also that women’s incomes are significantly lower. In 2013, a man working in the rural area earned R$ 977.50 on average, while women earned R$ 614.80 on average. That is, less than the minimum wage in force at the time (R$ 678.00).

This information corroborates Di Sabbato et al. (2009), when they conclude that “there is a much greater number of employed women who receive no remuneration in the agricultural sector than in other sectors of the economy” (Di Sabbato et al., 2009, p. 65). In other words, in rural areas, a large number of women work but, according to the authors, unlike male workers, cannot enjoy the independence afforded by having their own income.

Women in the coffee sector in the Matas de Minas region

As long as men and women do not recognize that they are equal and do not respect each other as equals, from a social, political and economic perspective, human beings will not achieve what is best for them: freedom (Beauvoir cited Madureira, 2006, heading).

Minas Gerais is the most important coffee producing state in Brazil. Almost 70% of its area is planted with coffee (arabica and robusta). According to the National Food Supply Agency (Conab) data (Acompanhamento da Safra Brasileira de Café, 2016a), the total area planted with coffee in Brazil is over 2,200,000 hectares, of which 80% is arabica. In terms of production, according to Conab (Acompanhamento da Safra Brasileira de Café, 2016b), Minas Gerais coffee production was estimated at 30,724,085 bags (2016 harvest), with 30,427,900 bags of arabica and 296,200 of robusta coffee. Taking production and sales as a whole, it is estimated that in the State of Minas Gerais this sector generates approximately 800,000 temporary jobs and over 3 million direct and indirect jobs (Drumond, 2012; Emater-MG, 2015).

However, despite the importance of this crop for the State and the intense participation of women in this activity, the existing databases still cannot provide wide-ranging and consistent information on this topic. Most of the data available is obtained from private surveys, fieldwork or organizations and institutions which, although valuable, do not allow for comparisons, given that their data-gathering methods and the characteristics of the variables they measure are different. In fact, this information deficiency is not restricted to either Minas Gerais or the coffee sector, but can be observed across a number of activities, regions, states and even at national level.

In the specific case of the coffee sector in Brazil, one of the objectives of the International Women’s Coffee Alliance (IWCA) is to increase knowledge and bring together platforms and groups of women linked to the coffee sector, in different fields. According to Meira (2013, p. 19), the IWCA was created in 2002, during a sectoral meeting of coffee sector women from the United States, Canada and Nicaragua. Their main mission was “[...] to empower women in the international coffee community, to encourage and recognize the participation of women in all aspects of the coffee industry, from seed to cup”. In Brazil, the IWCA emerged in 2012, after almost 2 years of voluntary work and intense mobilization.

The systematic vision proposed by the IWCA is essential, given that women have various roles across the coffee value chain. Another important factor, from a strategic point of view, is the perception of the entire universe to which the coffee sector belongs. In other words, it is important to identify and monitor the global coffee market and the main consumer trends. Although Brazil is the largest coffee exporting country, trends in the market, the profile of consumers and specific preferences must be adequately identified so as to add maximum value to each cup.

Given the above, the Matas de Minas region has some very valuable characteristics. It encompasses 63 coffee growing municipalities, located in the East of the State of Minas Gerais, a region that is predominantly mountainous, where one of its main characteristics is the number of family farms. According to data from the Matas de Minas Coffee Producers’ Council, there are approximately 36,000 producers, of which 80% own less than 20 hectares each. Over 75,000 direct and 156,000 indirect jobs are generated in this industry, one of the most important in the region. Furthermore, Matas de Minas also stands out by the way coffee is produced. It is grown in an artisanal and sustainable way, with a view to the development of society as a whole. These are worthwhile principles that are increasingly gaining national and international recognition.

The Matas de Minas region has recognized the importance of women’s involvement in the coffee value chain and, in particular, in the production of high quality coffee. In this way, it has pioneered a number of events, seminars, workshops, symposiums and courses, to empower women and raise awareness of the value and recognition of the region’s women coffee growers. Not only are technical aspects addressed in these meetings, but they also highlight the importance of quality management, entrepreneurship and the development of networks as important forums for women’s participation.

In these events, women growers have become acquainted with relevant topics such as entrepreneurship, cost management, post-harvest procedures and environmental issues, associated with health and education. The number of delegates has been gradually increasing, as has the perception of the importance of attending these sessions in order to exchange knowledge and improve skills.

The first of these events took place in October 2005, in the city of Santa Bárbara do Leste, in partnership with the National Rural Apprenticeship Service (Senar), Minas, the Union of Rural Producers of Manhuaçu and the Technical Assistance and Rural Outreach Agency (Emater). It was entitled Meeting of Rural Women and Young People and brought together both women and young people and adolescents. The sessions did not have a pre-defined content. Instead, they focused on the need to improve living standards for rural women and their families.

In Matas de Minas, the main priority, especially at first, was to stimulate the organization of rural women, and promote talks on subjects related to women’s health, healthy eating and the Maria da Penha (Domestic Violence) Act, among others. For example, events on topics such as organization/association, cooperativism and the participation of women and their children in the management of family farms were developed in partnership with the Lajinha Region Coffee Growers’ Cooperative (Coocafé), in the Municipality of Lajinha, MG, Brazil.

In 2010, a number of seminars on the environment and sustainability were introduced, whose aim was to raise women’s awareness on topics such as how to deal appropriately with waste and clean water. Women’s participation grew, and the work was replicated in a number of other municipalities. Other topics covered were self-esteem and the importance of the role of women in the family and society. It is important to highlight that the Matas de Minas Coffee Growing Symposium, which is now in its 21st session, has held a specific day for women coffee growers since 2013, recognizing their relevance to the coffee industry.

At the same time, Senar, Minas, has been conducting a number of courses on coffee cultivation and the sector. Women’s participation in these events has grown steadily, with sessions on farm management, harvesting and post-harvesting procedures, as well as events on coffee classification and cupping, where they have the opportunity to identify with precision which coffee is being produced on their property, and helping their decision-making to improve production.

Given the increase in the popularity of farm management, people management, marketing and sales, a number of sessions on these topics were introduced to the meetings of rural women, seminars on empowerment of women coffee growers and rural entrepreneurship. This shows that women are becoming increasingly active and more involved in all areas of the coffee industry: 97 meetings have already taken place, focusing on the work performed by women coffee growers, with an average attendance of 158 women.

Finally, it is important to highlight that in 2016 SENAR, Minas, in partnership with the Matas de Minas Coffee Council, started a technical and management assistance project in the region. Given the large number of women growers registered to take part in this project, an agronomist was allocated to a group of 30 women, and now successfully provides them with monthly assistance.

References

ACOMPANHAMENTO DA SAFRA BRASILEIRA DE CAFÉ. Brasília, DF: Conab, v. 2, n. 1, jan. 2016a. 68 p. Safra 2016. Primeiro levantamento. Observatório Agrícola. Available at: <http://www.conab.gov.br/OlalaCMS/uploads/arquivos/16_01_20_17_01_56_boletim_cafe_-_janeiro_2016.pdf>. Access on: 17 June 2017.

ACOMPANHAMENTO DA SAFRA BRASILEIRA DE CAFÉ. Brasília, DF: Conab, v. 3, n. 4, dez. 2016b. 77 p. Safra 2016. Quarto levantamento. Observatório Agrícola. Available at: <http://www.conab.gov.br/OlalaCMS/uploads/arquivos/16_12_27_16_26_51_boletim_cafe_portugues_-_4o_lev_-_dez.pdf>. Access on: 17 June 2017.

BBC BRASIL. Maior participação feminina no mercado traria R$ 382 bi à economia até 2025, diz OIT. Folha de S. Paulo, 14 jun. 2017. Available at: <http://www1.folha.uol.com.br/sobretudo/carreiras/2017/06/1892992-maior-participacao-feminina-no-mercado-traria-r-382-bi-a-economia-ate-2025-diz-oit.shtml>. Access on: 17 June 2017.

BRASIL. Secretaria Nacional de Políticas para as Mulheres. Mulheres do campo, da floresta e das águas: dados. [Brasília, DF], 1 dez. 2015. Available at: <http://www.spm.gov.br/assuntos/mulheres-do-campo-e-da-floresta/dados>. Access on: 17June 2017.

DI SABBATO, A.; MELO, H. P. de; LOMBARDI, M. R.; FARIA, N. Estatísticas rurais e a economia feminista: um olhar sobre o trabalho das mulheres. Brasília, DF: Ministério do Desenvolvimento Agrário, 2009. 167 p.

DRUMOND, A. Emater-MG fortalece a cafeicultura mineira. [Belo Horizonte], 18 set. 2012. Available at: <http://emater.mg.gov.br/portal.cgi?flagweb=novosite_pagina_interna&id=9831>. Access on: 17 June 2017.

EMATER-MG. Balanço social 2015. [Belo Horizonte, 2015]. 22 p. Available at: <http://www.emater.mg.gov.br/doc/site/AEmatermg/Balanco%20Social.pdf>. Access on: 17 June 2017.

IBGE. Brasil em síntese: agropecuária: pessoal ocupado: número de pessoas ocupadas em atividades agropecuárias por faixa etária segundo o sexo (em mil pessoas) – Brasil – 2006. Available at: <http://brasilemsintese.ibge.gov.br/agropecuaria/pessoal-ocupado.html>. Access on: 17 June 2017.

MADUREIRA, D. C. B. Assédio sexual nas relações de trabalho: uma afronta à dignidade humana. 2006. 92 f. Monografia (Bacharelado em Direito) – Universidade Católica de Brasília, Brasília, DF.

MEIRA, A. L. Uma abordagem sobre o papel da mulher na cadeia produtiva do café no Município da Barra da Choça – Bahia. 2013. 50 f. Monografia (Especialiação em Gestão da Cadeia Produtiva do Café) – Universidade Estadual do Sudoeste da Bahia, Vitória da Conquista.

OBSERVATÓRIO BRASIL DA IGUALDADE DE GÊNERO. Desenvolvimento sustentável com igualdade econômica e social. Available at: <http://www.observatoriodegenero.gov.br/menu/areas-tematicas/pobreza>. Access on: 17 June 2017.

TROVÃO, C. J. B. M.; LEONE, E. T. O emprego formal da mulher no crescimento recente da indústria. Revista da ABET, v. 12, n. 1, p. 119-140, 2013. Available at: <http://www.ies.ufpb.br/ojs/index.php/abet/article/viewFile/18518/10421>. Access on: 17 June 2017.

WORLD ECONOMIC FORUM. Women’s empowerment: measuring the global gender gap. Geneva, 2005. Available in: <http://www.ncwo-online.org/data/images/WorldEconomicForum.pdf>. Access on: 27 July 2017.

Note

1 Trovão and Leone (2013) is another work of interest on the issue.

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The strength of women in the Matas de Minas coffee sector

Nathalie Guimarães

Silvana Maria Novais Ferreira Ribeiro

Women are giving up their supporting role to take the lead in coffee growing in the region of Matas de Minas. The constant search for improvement and better quality is a characteristic of these women, who are an example of determination. In this context, the National Rural Apprenticeship Service-AR/MG (Senar Minas) is a partner in this venture and supports women by providing technical capacity building and training in the management of the coffee agribusiness, fostering an enterprising and inspiring vision iof success.

This work is based on the stories of five growers in the municipalities of Araponga, Martins Soares, Alto Jequitibá and Lajinha, in Minas Gerais. Interviewees were selected after previous contact with Senar professionals, who suggested these women growers.

The story of Simone Dias Sampaio Silva is draws on a face-to-face interview that took place in Araponga, Minas Gerais, in November 2015. The stories of Edilene Veríssimo (Martins Soares, MG), Josimar Augusto Sodré and Luana Augusto de Paula (Alto Jequitibá, MG) were taken from telephone interviews in March 2017, as part of an assessment for a report on the Technical and Management Assistance Programme (ATeG) provided to a group of women in Matas de Minas. Elenícia Maria Dornelas’ story (Lajinha, MG) is based on a text written by her during an event for coffee women that took place in her community in 2016. Finally, the story of Jéssica Carmo, a Senar specialist based in Manhumirim (MG), who works with the growers interviewed here, was obtained via an email interview in 2017.

Results

After living abroad for years, Simone Dias Sampaio Silva, from Araponga, MG, returned to her hometown with her husband, João da Silva Neto, to invest in quality coffee in the property she inherited from her father. The renowned coffee from Fazenda Jardim das Oliveiras is cultivated with concern for sustainability.

Right at the entrance to Araponga, there is a sign that refers to mountain-grown coffee, the municipality’s main economic activity and also the raw material and inspiration for local crafts. The region is favoured by its altitude and mild climate.

The 43 hectare farm is situated at an average height of 1,200m, in the Córrego de São Gabriel community. The region where the Doce and the Paraíba do Sul rivers rise and also the location of the Serra do Brigadeiro State Park, with its exuberant nature. The property produces both the catuaí and catiguá varieties of arabica coffee. According to Simone, they give the coffee a better palatability and have special flavours.

Simone’s story in coffee growing started when she was a child. She is the daughter of growers, so the coffee growing routine has been part of her life since she was born. Her parents had twelve children and her family made its living from coffee. Simone still remembers how, as a child, she played on the terrace, smelling the aroma of the beans.

I left the property when I was five, to study. My father wanted to ensure that, despite difficulties and struggles, all his children would have a profession. I graduated in nutrition at the Federal University of Viçosa, then I explored the world looking for better professional opportunities. I got married to João and we had Sofia and Luisa (oral history)1.

However, the desire to have her own business and live near nature in a calm, small town never left Simone’s head. After her father died, she inherited part of the old family farm. The hilly terrain and almost no infrastructure were not an obstacle to her dreams. She recalls:

For seven years we made preparations to come back. We worked from Monday to Friday and as soon as our work was over, it did not matter where we were, we would take the road to Araponga to work and set up Jardim das Oliveiras. We opened roads, brought electricity, made it possible to use the local springs, we built the first living quarters and the storehouses for the equipment. Our salary and our savings were the mainstay of our investment until our first harvest in 2011 (oral history)2.

The big challenge came when the whole family swapped city life for the countryside to come and live in Araponga and invest in quality and sustainable coffee growing, since city life did not satisfy them anymore. At the beginning, as an entrepreneur, Simone sought training to improve her business, and Senar Minas was one of the organizations to provide her with support.

I did not have much technical knowledge, so I started to study, take part in talks, courses on coffee growing, management and entrepreneurship. I also looked for technical support. We received the Certifica Minas seal, which encouraged us to organize and improve our production processes (oral history)3.

In 2015, Simone and her husband were chosen to take part in the Pilot Project on the Traceability of Matas de Minas Coffee. This worked as a marketing showcase providing greater visibility and credibility to the product at both national and international level. Simone also decided to take part in Senar’s Technical Assistance and Management Programme (ATeG).

Jardim das Oliveiras coffee was involved in many competitions, winning a number of awards. For instance, it was awarded 1st place in the 23rd Ernesto Illy Award for Espresso Quality Coffee, in 2014. She said:

We are new as producers. This was the first year we had a larger harvest. We sent just a batch and we won. It provided us with incredible recognition. It was very gratifying. Especially at the beginning, it is an incentive and it has led us to continue to look for more excellence (oral history)4.

The couple also took part in International Coffee Week in 2015 and were awarded fifth place in the Coffee of The Year competition. In 2015, they gained recognition for their sustainable practices from the State of Minas Gerais. They take extreme care in the management of post-harvest microlots and storage so that consumers can enjoy the coffee when it reaches the cup. As she explained:

I think that the region where the crop is cultivated, the altitude, the climate and the crop management have all contributed to this recognition. We also do not use agrochemicals. We conduct fertirrigation with the water that was used during the coffee processing stages. We are always looking for new technologies, new plants and varieties to further improve our product (oral history)5.

Simone and her husband were pioneers in the region by planting olive trees and today they are also the proprietors of Pousada Dias Felizes and the O Padre Restaurant housed in a building that is approximately 120 years old. It is one of the few left in the municipality and has many stories to tell. The house used to be the home of the parish priest and belonged to Canon José Ermelindo de Sousa, whom many believed could do miracles. In 2013, after its refurbishing and the construction of an annex, it became a guest house. Its preservation means that history is kept alive and it is also a way of increasing the city’s tourism potential. The old house has kept its original features and the decoration follows the style of the period. Simone says:

The guest house brings us happiness every day, through our contact with tourism. We are already well-known in the region because of our quality and the care we take with our guests from all over the world. This is a place where, between one conversation and another, we get to know buyers and suppliers of coffee products, and often this results in great business (oral history)6.

Although there is a still a long way to go, the will to grow gets stronger and stronger. She stressed:

Today, I am still a small producer, with approximately 65,000 coffee plants. My greatest challenge from now on is to improve our production process even more, improve our marketing and the recognition of our region, so that our daughters can fall in love with coffee growing and continue the family line. Coffee is the future of Araponga (oral history)7.

Technical and Management Assistance

One of the programmes providing support to the grower community in Matas de Minas is ATeG, a new initiative developed by Senar Minas. The aim is that specialists are able to help growers in the management of their properties and in making technological adjustments. Family farms receiving support are located in 23 municipalities: Alto Caparaó, Alto Jequitibá, Araponga, Caiana, Caputira, Carangola, Durandé, Espera Feliz, Imbé de Minas, Inhapim, Luisburgo, Manhuaçu, Manhumirim, Martins Soares, Matipó, Pedra Bonita, Reduto, Santa Margarida, São Domingos das Domingos, São João do Manhuaçu, São Sebastião do Anta, Simonésia and Ubaporanga.

Coffee grower Edilene Veríssimo, 32, was motivated to participate in the programme because she wanted to grow coffee and actively help on her coffee farm. She lives in Martins Soares and is part of a group of 30 women who receive support in Matas de Minas. “Women did not have this sort of vision before. Women have always helped the family and have always been there, alongside them. This programme is really going to help the small producer” (oral history)8, she stated.

Edilene was born in this rural area and was raised in the coffee fields. She is the daughter of a small grower and, at 8 years old, she was already harvesting and helping on the terraces. Later, after spending 3 years in the city, she returned to the countryside, where she still helps both her family and her husband to grow coffee. “I did not feel as free there (in the city) as I felt in the countryside. Here, we work as a family, with my father, my brother and my husband. I fell in love with coffee. It is coffee that keeps us here. How could I not like it? I want to live in the countryside and continue to grow our business” (oral history)9, she said.

Edilene and her husband grow coffee in their 3-hectare smallholding, sending the coffee to a cooperative and also to a coffee shop in São Paulo. She wants to commercialize her coffee brand, Recanto da Floresta. For Edilene, whose aim is to improve the quality of her coffee and grow her business, the difference of the programme is how they work with the growers. She stressed:

They carry out monitoring, visits, you experience the process and, together with the specialist, you are able to identify exactly where we need to improve. The people doing the assistance are on the ground with us. They go to the fields, they gather information on plantations, they know our reality and, thus, we feel confident (oral history)10.

Even though the work is only starting, Edilene already knows what she needs to do. She drew up a list, but:

We didn’t use to write anything down, in terms of what we spent in the cultivation. It was all in our heads. But the programme goes further than this, it teaches us, among other things, how to make the soil more fertile. This is all going to help our smallholding. It will bring improvements and add value to our work. It is gratifying (oral history)11.

Edilene, member of a women-only group on the programme, believes that the female audience has to make an effort to learn:

I must say that we get a little overwhelmed, but it only makes us more determined. Either you face our business your business or you don’t know your own property. I discovered that I need, and I want to help our business. I am very determined. Sometimes, men do not have the time, they need to be out in the fields. We are there to add (oral history)12.

Just like Edilene, women from other municipalities such as Manhuaçu, Manhumirim, Martins Soares, Alto Jequitibá, Santa Margarida and São João do Manhuaçu want to contribute to the success of agribusiness. According to Jéssica Carmo, the group has a very varied profile and is made up of widows, divorced women and others who work with their husbands in their family farms. They are all very proactive in the coffee activities. As she explained:

Widows and divorced women look after the property themselves, with little or no help from relatives. In general, these women are very independent, on the property, they really do all the routine work all year round, and also the management, since some work with partners . Most are in between 45-60, but their children are also very active in the farm. The majority of women encourage their children to help and to stay in coffee growing (oral history)13.

Expecting to improve family life is one of the main reasons that lead women to participate in the programme. Jéssica says:

Some women growers are just getting into business now, because before, their husbands did not include them in the dynamics of the family farm. I see that some of them are just getting to know the property with me. As well as thinking about the family’s quality of life, many women focus on specialty coffees, and others have started the process of industrialization and to add value in the coffee chain (oral history)14.

Mother and daughter, Josimar Augusto Sodré, 48, and Luana Augusto de Paula, 20, work in the Vargem Alegre community in Alto Jequitibá. They have been investing in specialty coffee for over a year and see the ATeG program as an opportunity for growth. Investing in specialty coffees with her mother and sister made Luana change the way she sees things:

It helped a lot. It increased the price we get, and I learned how to negotiate and to look after it better. There is always prejudice when you have women as heads of business, but people from outside recognize our value (oral history)15.

Organization and quality are some of the benefits that Josimar thinks the programme provides. She commented:

You see what is missing, the profit and you start writing it all down. I am getting ready to put all this into practice. Six months from now everything will be far more organized. Being part of the program makes us committed, it stimulates and helps us grow (oral history)16.

According to Jéssica, this is an opportunity for women to really see their family business from an entrepreneurial perspective. “Therefore, they will be able to make safer decisions and constantly improve the property for years to come. I believe that, indirectly, this empowers rural women and shows the importance of their work in in the property and in the family” 17, she stressed.

The involvement of women in the Technical and Management Assistance Programme (ATeG) reveals the importance of women in the coffee growing sector. Many became head of the business because they were widowed or separated from their husbands. Some even inherited this activity from their fathers. To ensure its continuity and success, women know that they need to learn and update their skills, thus they are ready to face new challenges.

Growth

Hard work and dedication are also the strengths of Elenícia Maria Dornelas, 43. She lives in Lajinha and began working when she was 14. She started in the fields with her parents and three brothers, doing the heavy work of picking coffee and carrying it in a basket on her back to dry it on the terrace. Elenícia married at 16. Her husband became a sharecropper in almost all her father’s fields, after he had an accident and became disabled. For 13 years, they faced difficulties. Her husband used to carry fertilizers to the fields on his back, dragged the coffee in an ox cart, there were no roads and the region is hilly. The price of coffee was also low at the time, with hardly any difference between the price of the “rio” or “bebida” coffee grades.

Through hard work, Elenícia and her husband bought a piece of land from her uncle and built their own house, but they did not have their own crops. The family’s dream was to buy land to grow. So, they ended up selling their house and purchasing a smallholding. They planted 8,000 coffee trees, and had a difficult start during this new stage in their lives, but they managed to buy a motorbike, which helped them in their work.

After twenty years of marriage, they had acquired 2.5 alqueires (about 12 hectares) of land and planted more coffee, in a partnership with a brother-in-law. Six years ago, the family managed to purchase their partner’s share and today they work with their son. They sold the first land they bought and continue to devote their lives to the work, but now in better circumstances. They built a cement terrace and dry coffee in a dryer, seeking to constantly improve the quality of the product.

In this way, with all the challenges and struggles, these women show their strength and their determination to make their dreams come true and achieve recognition. They are always trying to learn and grow in business. Together with Senar Minas, they have found the means to achieve ever more success, engaging in agribusiness with a new vision of sustainability, training and management, as well as motivation and certainty of quality of life and a better future.

Notes

1 Simone Dias Sampaio Silva, coffee-grower, oral history obtained by the authors in a face-to-face interview in Araponga, MG, in 2015.

2 Idem.

3 Idem.

4 Idem.

5 Idem.

6 Idem.

7Idem.

8 Edilene Veríssimo, coffee-grower, from Martins Soares, MG, oral history obtained by the authors in a telephone interview in 2017.

9 Idem.

10 Idem.

11 Idem.

12 Idem.

13 Jessica Carmo, specialist in Manhumirim, MG, information obtained by the authors in an email interview in 2017.

14 Idem.

15 Luana Augusto de Paula, coffee-grower from Alto Jequitibá, MG, oral history obtained by the authors in a telephone interview in 2017.

16 Josimar Augusto Sodré, coffee-grower from Alto Jequitibá, MG, oral history obtained by the authors in a telephone interview in 2017.

17 Jessica Carmo, specialist in Manhumirim, MG, information obtained by the authors in an email interview in 2017.

Left coffee beanChapter 7Right coffee bean

Women coffee growers in the Cerrado Mineiro: challenges and opportunities

Fernanda Junia Dornela

Raquel Santos Soares Menezes

Introduction

A recurring topic in recent years is gender. It is present in a wide range of studies, for various reasons, such as the growing number of women in the labour market. Women are no longer confined exclusively to the domestic sphere and are present in the public domain. This is due to the improvement in access to education and greater economic and social emancipation. In Brazil, we have seen progress in women’s access to higher education. In 2009, for example, approximately 59% of those who concluded higher education were women (Costa, 2013).

Despite progress, gender equality has still not been achieved. No country in the world could be said to have attained complete equality between men and women (Marcone, 2009). There are still a number of obstacles such as wage disparities, which make it difficult for women to reach the higher echelons of the hierarchy (Costa, 2013).

Gender inequality is present across all areas of the economy, including the coffee sector. The coffee production chain generates over 8 million jobs in Brazil, according to the Ministry of Agriculture and Food Supply (Brasil, 2017). In 2015, Brazil was considered the largest coffee producer and exporter in the world with a total production of 43.24 million 60kg bags of processed product.

Minas Gerais is one of the main producing states (Brasil, 2017) and the Cerrado Mineiro is the second largest producing region, encompassing 55 municipalities across the Alto Paranaíba, Triângulo Mineiro and Northeast Minas region (Cooperativa dos Cafeicultores do Cerrado, 2017). There are approximately 4,500 coffee growers in the Cerrado Mineiro, with a total area under production of 200,000 hectares. It provides the market with over 5 million coffee bags per year. The region is also responsible for 12.7% of Brazilian and 25.4% of Minas Gerais output, respectively. It also stands out for being the first coffee growing “region of origin” in the country (Federação dos Cafeicultores do Cerrado, 2017).

Given two such important topics, gender inequality and the coffee sector, the aim of this study is to analyse women’s direct and indirect participation in the coffee industry in the Cerrado Mineiro region. This is important because it places the discussion within a context that has historically focused on the role of men, and where there has been very little research.

The study is structured into different sections. The theoretical foundation brings together the points of view of different authors on subjects such as the situation of rural women in Brazil; the coffee sector and its relationship with gender equality; and the participation of women in managerial positions. The research methods used for data gathering and analysis are described. Data are then presented in tables and discussed, based on analysis of content, followed by final considerations, conclusions and suggestions for further research.

Rural women: Overview of their situation in Brazil

Some important transformations have been taking place in the last four decades in terms of the attributions of men and women, both in the public and the private sphere. Issues such as the restriction of women to the private sphere as wives, mothers and carers have been discussed by feminist movements since the 1960s and have led to socioeconomic and demographic changes that have affected the very core of families. Certain phenomena, such as the growth in the number of women in the labour market, the improvement of education, participation of women in politics, the separation between sexuality and reproduction (the dissemination of hormonal contraception) are thought to have led to a new view of women’s identity (Couto; Schraiber, 2013).

When discussing the situation of Brazilian rural women, Lisboa and Lusa (2010) cite the Women in Agriculture Movement (MMA) that contributed to the return of democracy in the country and the start of a process that led to overcoming gender inequalities. Since the 1980s this movement has been fighting for women’s social rights, autonomy and emancipation. Women gradually started to question the cultural, social and political domination that have underpinned traditional social relations.

The Movement achieved some gains. In 1994, for example, maternity pay was extended to rural workers. Prior to this date, that had been the privilege of urban women. Women rural producers were recognized as a legitimate category, which had previously applied only to men. This ensured that women could become unionized and have access to labour rights (such as retirement pensions) as workers in their own right, and not only as dependents of their husbands, fathers or sons.

Family farms are defined by the Ministry of Social Development and Fight against Hunger (Brasil, 2016) as a means of production where the interaction between management and labour predominate. Silva and Ribeiro (2004) conducted a study in the community of Cachoeirinha, Lavras, Minas Gerais with 40 family farmers. Interviews were conducted with both men and women to analyse gender relations within family-based agriculture and how men and women’s work are valued differently.

Silva and Ribeiro (2004) show that in rural society traditional gender relations still prevail to a certain extent. Decisions are taken by the father or husband, who have more power, and women have a submissive role and are dependent on the men. They also found that both men and women reported differences in the work performed by each gender. The work of women is meant to be “lighter”, encompassing domestic tasks in the home, with children, on the terraces, as well as rearing small animals, looking after the coffee in the fields and picking. Men, on the other hand, are thought to perform the main or “important” work, the family’s source of income.

Based on the above, it is possible to suppose that the situation of rural women in Brazil is one of gender inequality, and that, through movements such as the Women in Agriculture, they seek visibility, recognition of their work and achievement of their rights.

With specific regard to women working in the coffee value chain, Meira (2013) argues that women did not play an important role in society for many centuries. Nowadays, women are looking for professional and personal fulfilment working in their family farms, involving both agricultural and non-agricultural activities. It is essential to diversify family income sources and seek activities that promote greater levels of autonomy, so as to deal with the unequal relations imposed by the markets for agricultural products such as coffee.

Meira (2013) conducted a study to analyse the role of women in the coffee value chain in the Municipality of Barra do Choça, in the state of Bahia. The research, based on interviews conducted by the author with women in the coffee sector of that municipality, showed that women already involved in this sector are responsible for encouraging others to remain in or join the different segments of the coffee value chain. According to Meira, despite adverse conditions, women are not discouraged and continue to perform important work within the coffee sector. She also shows that women’s involvement in the various segments of the value chain is not only linked to the financial remuneration of their work, but also a search for satisfaction, fulfilment and recognition.

Although numbers are still small, the fact that there are more women in the organizational side of businesses is considered to be one of the most outstanding phenomena since the end of the last century (Daller, 2010). According to the Organização Internacional do Trabalho (2008), the disparity between the rights and duties of men and women in organizations is a predominant phenomenon worldwide. So much so that resolving this impasse has become one of the greatest challenges for the ILO and is one of its main topics of debate.

A study by Cirolini and Noro (2008) with a mainly agricultural cooperative found that women are also poorly represented in management of cooperatives. They cite a number of reasons, from laziness of the women, lack of opportunities, shyness and embarrassment and, above all, a culture that believes that only a man’s opinion is valid.

Methodological aspects

This is a descriptive study conducted using a quali-quantitative approach. The research covered the region of Cerrado Mineiro and included organizations affiliated to the Coffee Growers Federation of the Cerrado Mineiro Region that have been developing and/or supporting initiatives, projects and programmes to promote gender equality in the coffee industry and which have women employees on their team who play an important role in the sector. To maintain the confidentiality of the organizations involved in the research, they were labelled O1, O2, O3, O4, O5 and O6. They are located in Patrocínio and Carmo do Paranaíba, Minas Gerais, regarded as the main coffee producing municipalities in the region.

In each of these organizations, eight women who have a relevant role in the coffee sector and work in activities that promote gender equality in rural areas were contacted. To maintain confidentiality, they are identified in this study as E1, E2, E3, E4, E5, E6, E7 and E8. These women contributed to the research through interviews and by filling in a questionnaire, designed to collect numerical information on the role of women in the management of the organizations participating in this study. O5 and O6 were represented by two women respectively, and O1, O2, O3 and O4 by one woman each.

A semi-structured interview with a script was used to gather data to analyse the role of women directly or indirectly linked to the coffee sector in the Cerrado Mineiro region and who are the target group for actions by the cooperatives and associations participating in this research. The interviews were recorded, transcribed and subjected to content analysis. Categories where defined a posteriori, that is, according to the data sources.

A quantitative survey of women acting directly or indirectly in these organizations was also conducted. For that purpose, a questionnaire was used, and questions were divided into two groups: “participation of women in the coffee sector and in the organization” and “participation of women in the management of the organization”. After the data-gathering exercise, which took place between May and June of 2015, the data were tabulated.

Results

Participation of women in the coffee sector and in the organization

Table 1 shows the distribution of affiliates and members of the organizations in the study, in total numbers and percentages, by gender.

Table 1. Distribution of members and affiliates by sex in the organizations studied in the Cerrado Mineiro.

Organization

Men

Women

Total

Women in relation to men
(%)

Women participating directly in the activities (N)

Women participating directly in the activities
(%)

O1

-

-

-

-

-

-

O2

427

23

450

5.1

0

0

O3

53

4

57

7.0

2

50

O4

57

6

63

9.5

3

50

O5

1064

118

1182

15.4

30

25.4

O6

469

69

538

12.8

30

43.4

Total

2,070

220

2,290

9.6

65

29.5

O1 has a total of 2,993 members in 17 affiliated organizations: 8 cooperatives, 8 associations and 1 foundation. The respondent to the questionnaire had no knowledge of the total distribution of the members by sex. According to her, out of 17 member organizations, the membership of 16 is predominantly male.

Women’s participation in the cooperatives and associations was only 9.6%, thus the majority (90.4%) of cooperative and other members were men. Further analysis shows that the percentage of women who participate directly in the cooperatives or associations, i.e. those who actively involved in the organization’s activities, is analysed, is only 29.5% of the total of women members. In other words, of some 220 women who belong to the organizations in the region, only 65 have an effective role.

Among the possible reasons cited for the low involvement of women is lack of time, given that they have to balance domestic tasks, childcare, caring for their husbands and, if they are the landowners, managing their or the family’s business. Level of adjustment was also cited, given that women are essentially entering a male environment. Another factor raised was lack of support from fathers or husbands who tend to be the heads of business and who do not allow their daughters or wives to fully participate in it. The lack of support from society in general was also cited. Challenges mentioned by the women respondents were the existence of a patriarchal culture (cited by five participants), and a lack of knowledge, recognition and value on the part of families and society, in addition to difficulties encountered when women try to enter a predominantly male environment.

Encouraging women’s participation could increase cooperativism (men and women working together could improve business), involvement in cooperatives and associations, as well as society in general, bringing opportunities for local growth and improvement in living standards and more favourable outcomes regarding family inheritance.

Participation of women in the management of organizations

Only men occupy the position of Chair of the participating organizations. Table 2 shows the management structure of the organizations that took part in this research, by sex – of the 36 members, only one is a woman. This shows that women’s participation in the top positions is insignificant. Similarly, women occupy only 3.9% of positions on the boards of these organizations, still dominated by men (Table 3).

Table 2. Composition of the managements of Cerrado Mineiro organizations that took part in the research, by sex.

Organization

Men

Women

Total

O1

3

0

3

O2

6

0

6

O3

10

0

10

O4

10

1

11

O5

3

0

3

O6

3

0

3

Total

35

1

36

Table 3. Board Members of Cerrado Mineiro organizations that took part in the research, by sex.

Organization

Men

Women

Total

O1

7

1

8

O2

26

0

26

O3

8

0

8

O4

10

1

11

O5

6

0

6

O6

16

1

17

Total

73

3

76

On the other hand, women are more involved in junior and middle-management positions (35.7%) (Table 4). When this is taken into account, women’s participation increases significantly to 35.71% in the organizations analysed. Lower managerial positions in cooperatives and associations tend to require a more technical profile and often a specific qualification in management or similar areas, as well as prior managerial experience. Women are able to meet these demands and are as well qualified as men to occupy these positions. However, positions such as board members, executive directors and Chairs tend to involve political and representative functions. In order to reach these positions, it is important to be active in the organization’s general meetings and show interest for collective causes and in representing people and the organization.

Table 4. Management of Cerrado Mineiro organizations that took part in the research, by sex.

Organization

Men

Women

Total

O1

13

4

17

O2

0

3

3

O3

0

1

1

O4

1

1

2

O5

6

3

9

O6

7

3

10

Total

27

15

42

The above data corroborate the work of Cavazotte et al. (2010). Their results show that the further up the hierarchy, the more evidence there is of gender inequality still present in society.

With regard to the low participation of women, O1, O2, O4, O5 and O6 cited possible causes: the restriction on involvement of women in the coffee supply chain; women are more concentrated in production or they usually tend to be employees of cooperatives, associations and companies; women do not feel they have the necessary skills, are not ready or feel comfortable about applying for and taking on positions which demand leadership qualities.

Cultural issues were also raised by a number of companies in the coffee sector to explain, arguing that women lack the ability and skills to lead teams and manage a business efficiently, confirming a management environment dominated by men. According to E4, “[...] men think women are no good at management” (oral history)1. This may explain the fact that management positions are generally handed down from man to man, as they do not consider women capable of doing this work.

Perceptions of women about women in today’s society

In an analysis of how women are seen by society today, two issues emerged: gender equality and the multiple roles of women. With regard to gender equality, E1 claimed that she saw women differently nowadays:

[...] I see things a little different from other people [...] I don’t think women are discriminated, or outside society, not at all [...]. I don’t see a big disparity between men and women. I don’t see it as inferiority, separation or differentiation (oral history, enphasis added)2.

Nevertheless, other interviewees argue that there is still a significant disparity between men and women, despite the fact that women have been gaining ground, “[...] there is still much to be achieved” (oral history, enphasis added)3.

Another important point raised during the interviews relates to the role of women in society nowadays. In fact, they perform multiple roles:

Women nowadays can play an essential role in society, both from a leadership and a cultural point of view, while also being the mainstay of families (oral history, enphasis added)4.

Women have always been active on many fronts, haven’t they? At home, in the family, as mothers, and today, we see them in the labour market, in society as a whole [...] (oral history, enphasis added)5.

According to the Commission for Equality in Work and Employment (Cite) (Por que..., 2017), a number of transformations have occurred since the 20th century, affecting the behaviour of men and women and this has led to profound changes in the family and work environment. The opinion of respondents about women’s numerous roles is a good example of these changes. Today, women reconcile domestic tasks and caring for their children and husbands with participating in the labour market. They need to be very dynamic to perform all these roles.

The importance of coffee growing in agribusiness and women’s participation

With regard to the importance of the coffee sector, respondents claim that, at present, coffee is the main income-generating activity of many municipalities. It is also an important source of employment within Brazil’s agricultural sector.

The following extracts are taken from respondents’ accounts:

[...] in Patrocínio, for example, the coffee sector opens doors to a number of activities. After textiles and shoe manufacturing left town and with the economic crisis, the only activity that survived was agriculture. [...] it is our flagship activity, isn’t it? (oral history, enphasis added)6.

In my town, for example, coffee growing is the main economic activity. If this sector does well, the town does well. Otherwise, it has a direct effect on municipal tax revenues (oral history, enphasis added)7.

We can see that, in our region, coffee creates jobs, generating both direct and indirect revenue [...], its influence goes from a single coffee plant to the New York stock exchange (oral history, enphasis added)8.

All respondents said that the main characteristics shared by women involved in the coffee industry were a positive and proactive. They maintain that, despite the obstacles women face, they are able to attain important positions in this sector. Other characteristics of the women involved in the coffee sector were also cited by respondents:

[...] We notice that our region is still very male-orientated. So, within this male environment, which is difficult sometimes, women have managed to find ‘their place in the sun’ [...]. This is because women are very good at involving themselves and being committed to the common good. [...] they are organized and manage to have a distinct vision of the business, this is because they do not have those traditional bad habits when it comes to coffee [...] saying that the market is not good, that it just lets you pay the bills [...]. They manage to have a more positive attitude toward the future (oral history, enphasis added)9.

E4 said that “[...] men are very basic, and I can see that details can make a difference in coffee growing, women pay more attention to details”10. E8 stated that:

[...] I think that there are still very few women directly involved in coffee, but they are very much a force when they do participate. In my Educampo group, we have three women who are very active [...]. They care about their staff, about the farm, cost management, they compare, they do courses. By contrast, many men are resistant to courses and talks, women accept things in a much more positive way, sharing experiences, seeing the other side. Women are more open than men [...]. Nowadays, they participate in the cooperative’s ordinary and general meetings. I would say they set an example on the coffee terraces, in meetings and when they care for their homes, women maintain their femininity, they don’t stop being housewives (authors’ highlight)11.

Points raised about the role and characteristics of the women involved in coffee in the Cerrado Mineiro region corroborate the view of the authors already cited, such as Meira (2013). They argue that, today, women seek professional and personal fulfilment, mixing domestic tasks with agricultural activities such as coffee growing, so as to gain autonomy and recognition.

When asked how they feel about being women and participating in the coffee sector, respondents referred to the following two categories: “the survival of traditional roles” and “satisfaction in being a woman and participating in the coffee sector”. In relation to the survival of traditional roles, there are a number of challenges women face in the coffee sector which are rooted in culture and tradition:

[...] there are many barriers to be broken. [...] it’s like going back to the past, we have to find our way through a totally male universe to be able to find our place and show them that it’s not a dispute over power or decision-making. We want to be there, with them, side by side, helping with decision-making (oral history, enphasis added)12.

[...] and we still find lots of obstacles, not only placed there by men, but also by women themselves, because they are not used to it, many are scared of participating in a more active way and they end up hiding themselves behind their husbands, sons, family, they are scared of what society’s reaction might be (oral history, enphasis added)13.

It is important to highlight an aspect that was raised in E3’s account. E3 argues that difficulties are not only related to machismo in society, but also to the misogynistic views of women who belittle themselves and are scared to challenge traditional patterns that are still very powerful. They end up withdrawing and not fighting for recognition of their work and their place. The extract above corroborates Freire (2009), who states that, within the family environment, by seeking economic autonomy, women can be seen and judged as breaking pre-established rules, and this is a threat to the culturally unequal power relations controlled by men.

In terms of the satisfaction respondents feel as women involved in the coffee sector, the following emerged:

Look, it is difficult being a woman. There are many challenges. [...], but I am happy to be a woman involved in the coffee sector, I cannot see myself doing anything else. I am fulfilled. (oral history, enphasis added)14.

Within my environment, that of coffee growing, I managed to make a space for myself. I am very happy being a woman and I love coffee. I would not change sectors (oral history, enphasis added)15.

[...] it is really good to be part of a market that is so important for Minas Gerais, Brazil and the world. [...] to see the respect we get here in the cooperative [...] is very gratifying. In talks, events, you talk as equals with growers, we understand their situation, we work with their wives, listen to their stories, this is something to be proud of, there is no doubt about it (oral history, enphasis added)16.

After analysing the two categories above, it can be argued that, despite the countless difficulties women experience in working in coffee, considered one of the most important sectors of agribusiness and predominantly male, all respondents stated they were happy and fulfilled with their work.

The perception women have of gender equality in the coffee sector

In this section we address three issues: “the prevalence of gender inequality in the coffee sector”, “reasons for the prevailing gender inequality in the coffee sector” and “benefits of gender equality for society and the coffee sector”.

Participants agree that gender equality has not yet been achieved in the coffee sector. According to E1, “there is a big disparity between men and women in the coffee sector, a quantitative disparity: women have very little visibility” (oral history) 17.

E2 acknowledges that gender inequality still prevails and argues that the analysis should take into account the two spheres: the private/family and the public/professional space. She argues that when considering the women that she knows, she believes that their difficulties in the private/family sphere (with husbands and children) have an impact and make it hard for them to be more active, resulting in gender inequality in the coffee sector. However, when we look at the public/professional sphere, she argues that, nowadays, companies are looking for more committed and involved staff and women fit this profile. From her point of view, opportunities in the public/professional sphere can be thought of as equal for both men and women.

[...] the involvement of women in the coffee sector is still small, there is still gender inequality. When I go to a meeting at Educampo, for example, I see that approximately 30% are women, the rest are men (oral history, enphasis added)18.

I believe that there still is gender inequality, but to a much lower extent than years ago. Women are respected for all they have achieved and it’s the same in coffee, they are gradually managing to gain space and be respected (oral history, enphasis added)19.

The following reasons were cited as why gender inequality still prevails in the coffee sector:

It is a cultural issue for women themselves who remain absent. For married women, there is the issue of their husbands, who have huge influence over them, so they do only what their husbands allow them to do. Therefore, sometimes women are involved in the business at home, but this participation is invisible. They take joint decisions, but when it is time to come to a meeting, for example, the husband comes, he speaks about what is going on. She does not express her opinions (oral history, enphasis added)20.

[...] women’s lack of interest in the coffee sector may relate to the obstacles their predecessors created, by not wanting their daughters or wives to be their heirs or partners in the business (oral history, enphasis added)21.

When respondents were asked about the benefits that gender equality might bring to society and the coffee sector, the following answers were given: economic growth, greater involvement of women in the farms, in agribusiness and society in general; men and women working together, on equal terms, in much more efficient ways, as there is trust and recognition; women taking up roles which were previously considered masculine, such as driving trucks or working in the civil construction sector; and even, according to E7:

The benefits that equality brings are the sum of all efforts to reach the same objective. Whatever the business, gender issues are now obsolete. Women have proven they are capable, but they have to live on a daily basis with a lack of trust and with questions about their abilities, especially in environments and professions considered more masculine. Nevertheless, gender equality brings different points of view on the same subject and is able to improve the business through innovation, organization and effective management when tasks are shared according to skills and abilities. In the coffee sector, this is no different, gradually, women can see where they can fit better in the business and the benefits are seen almost immediately (author’s highlight)22.

These benefits demonstrate the importance of promoting gender equality, where men and women have the same conditions and opportunities, not only in the coffee sector, but in all areas and circumstances.

Final considerations

The aim of this study was to analyse the situation of women directly or indirectly linked to the coffee sector in the Cerrado Mineiro region. In general, the conclusion is that women in the coffee sector in the region still suffer from gender inequality.

The analysis of the data shows that most respondents believe that the involvement of women in the coffee sector and in organizations is still small. A small minority of women are members of cooperatives and associations and their direct participation is also low.

The analysis of the participation of these women in the management of the organizations linked to the coffee sector revealed that they are in a minority. Even in lower and middle management positions, where women are better represented, there is still significant disparity.

Through the narrative of the majority of respondents, it was possible to see that, even though women perform essential roles at home, in the family and in business management, their situation is one of inequality when compared to men. Although women have managed to achieve an important place, and there has unquestionably been progress, especially in the labour market, there is still much to do to achieve a society where there is true gender equality.

Regarding the importance of the coffee sector and the profile of women involved in it, the analysis shows that coffee is one of the most important sectors of agribusiness at both national and regional level. Women that do participate in this activity are generally considered women with attitude, proactive and committed to what they do. They are willing to learn and apply their knowledge. They have a positive and innovative vision and seek to work alongside men in a professional environment.

Finally, it is important to highlight that this study is the beginning of a process that should be continued with other studies, opening new possibilities for more in-depth research on the situation of women in the coffee sector in the Cerrado Mineiro region. This will allow for the development of actions and public policies to promote further integration so as to foster a fairer and more sustainable society.

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Notes

1 E4, employee of an organization working in the coffee sector in Patrocínio, MG, oral history obtained by the authors through an interview in 2015.

2 E1, employee of an organization working in the coffee sector in Patrocínio, MG, oral history obtained by the authors through an interview in 2015.

3 E2, employee of an organization working in the coffee sector in Patrocínio, MG, oral history obtained by the authors through an interview in 2015.

4 E2, employee of an organization working in the coffee sector in Patrocínio, MG, oral history obtained by the authors through an interview in 2015.

5 E8, employee of an organization working in the coffee sector in Carmo da Paranaíba, MG, oral history obtained by the authors through an interview in 2015.

6 E2, employee of an organization working in the coffee sector in Patrocínio, MG, oral history obtained by the authors through an interview in 2015.

7 E3, employee of an organization working in the coffee sector in Carmo da Paranaíba, MG, oral history obtained by the authors through an interview in 2015.

8 E8, employee of an organization working in the coffee sector in Carmo da Paranaíba, MG, oral history obtained by the authors through an interview in 2015.

9 E1, employee of an organization working in the coffee sector in Patrocínio, MG, oral history obtained by the authors through an interview in 2015.

10 E4, employee of an organization working in the coffee sector in Patrocínio, MG, oral history obtained by the authors through an interview in 2015.

11 E8, employee of an organization working in the coffee sector in Carmo da Paranaíba, MG, oral history obtained by the authors through an interview in 2015.

12 E2, employee of an organization working in the coffee sector in Patrocínio, MG, oral history obtained by the authors through an interview in 2015.

13 E3, employee of an organization working in the coffee sector in Carmo da Paranaíba, MG, oral history obtained by the authors through an interview in 2015.

14 E4, employee of an organization working in the coffee sector in Patrocínio, MG, oral history obtained by the authors through an interview in 2015.

15 E7, employee of an organization working in the coffee sector in Patrocínio, MG, oral history obtained by the authors through an interview in 2015.

16 E8, employee of an organization working in the coffee sector in Carmo da Paranaíba, MG, oral history obtained by the authors through an interview in 2015.

17 E1, employee of an organization working in the coffee sector in Patrocínio, MG, oral history obtained by the authors through an interview in 2015.

18 E8, employee of an organization working in the coffee sector in Carmo da Paranaíba, MG, oral history obtained by the authors through an interview in 2015.

19 E7, employee of an organization working in the coffee sector in Patrocínio, MG, oral history obtained by the authors through an interview in 2015.

20 E1, employee of an organization working in the coffee sector in Patrocínio, MG, oral history obtained by the authors through an interview in 2015.

21 E7, employee of an organization working in the coffee sector in Patrocínio, MG, oral history obtained by the authors through an interview in 2015.

22 E7, employee of an organization working in the coffee sector in Patrocínio, MG, oral history obtained by the authors through an interview in 2015.

Left coffee beanChapter 8Right coffee bean

Narratives of the coffee women in Cerrado Mineiro: common trajectories?

Raquel Santos Soares Menezes

Quezia de Souza Boaventura

Introduction

Discussions and analyses on gender started to become more commonplace from the 1970s onward and included aspects that went beyond issues of biological and physiological differences between the sexes. From then on, the concept of gender was described as constructs of the life and of the social and cultural relations of each sex (Andrade et al., 2002). Gender, therefore, refers to a system of roles and relationships between men and women that are determined not by biology, but by the social, political and economic context (Instituto Internacional de Pesquisas e Capacitação das Nações Unidas para a Promoção da Mulher, 1995, p. 15).

Gender studies are presented from different perspectives and lead researchers to analyse the influence, possible causes and consequences in different environments, so as to better understand relationships between women and men both in society in general and in more restricted environments such as business (Meira, 2013).

Within the Brazilian rural setting, women and men are involved in a number of sectors and segments of different commodities and agribusinesses. Therefore, gender relations also play a part in this environment. However, the lack of studies and research to show the proportional participation of women and their roles and challenges makes it difficult to develop a realistic picture of this subject in the country (Menezes et al., 2016).

Coffee has long been one of the most important products for Brazil. Over one million hectares is planted with this crop in Minas Gerais, producing over 50% of the country’s output. It is the state’s main commodity, exported to over 60 countries. The Cerrado Mineiro is one of the state’s coffee-producing micro-regions, and this sector is responsible for leveraging its economy (Bessa et al., 2014; Conab, 2016).

Some studies point to the fact that women have been present in the coffee agribusiness value chain in many countries, and this is no different in Brazil. However, coffee processing, which used to be performed manually, is now being replaced by machinery. This means that there was a reduction in the number of workers in the fields – both men and women – particularly in the larger rural properties that have more resources and access to funding to purchase machines.

Given the importance of studying gender relations in rural areas, and to contribute to recording the process of achieving gender equality in this environment, the aim of this research could be summarized thus: what are the gender narratives of women coffee growers in the Cerrado Mineiro?

Review of the literature

In preparing this article, the literature was reviewed, and, concepts and definitions found in books, articles, theses and dissertations by authors working in this field were analysed. These references have contributed to the development of this study and assisted us throughout the work.

Gender

Discussions on gender began with the feminist movements of the 20th century. Their discourse focused on the distinctions between the roles of women and men in society. In this context, men were thought to be superior to women and had more autonomy (Mota, 2011).

Gender can be thought of as a set of relationships between women and men experienced throughout time. They are characteristics perceived and attributed by society to women and men, the predetermined divisions between the feminine and the masculine, the way in which relationships between them occur, based on imposed limits. It is a cultural construct based on differentiation of the sexes (Santos, 2002; Mota, 2011; Mesquita; Mendes, 2012).

The historical evolution of women’s participation in the rural setting

In the period before the 19th century, prior to the feminist movements, women generally did not participate in any of the economic activities in the country and were simply seen as housewives and mothers. They did not take part in paid activities and received little or no recognition in Brazil.

According to Araújo and Scalon (2005), men had higher positions in both the field of production and public life and women remained at a lower level, second class. They were responsible for domestic and reproductive activities.

In the 1980s, because of the difficulties women faced and the fact that they were undervalued and denied a place within the workplace, labour demands emerged, not only in Brazil, but across the world. These were demands for labour rights and the struggles of working women started to emerge not only in urban, but also in rural areas (Sales, 2007).

The demand for the greater participation of women was integrated into feminist movements and reinforced by economic, social and demographic changes that were eventually reflected within Brazilian families. Thus, women took on other roles in society (Couto, Schraiber, 2013) and started to participate in paid activities, helping with the family income and seeking autonomy and personal satisfaction.

According to the Pesquisa Nacional por Amostra de Domicílios (2013), the active population reached 100 million in 2012, with 6 million unemployed and 94 million employed. Among the employed, 58% were men and 42%, women. This shows that women are increasingly more involved in the labour market and their growing presence in the Brazilian labour landscape. However, there are still a number of activities, performed by men, that are generally considered to have a greater value (Kergoat, 2002). According to this author, the separation between women and men’s roles creates a hierarchy at work, where the work performed by men is more valued and has more importance than that performed by women.

It might be assumed that gender differences are more evident in rural activities. The few existing pieces of research on this topic indicate that this may be the case. Women have a significant role in the family group. However, within the rural context, the activities performed by women are considered subsidiary, serving as a kind of assistance to the main work performed by men (Oliveira et al., 2007).

Research conducted by Mesquita and Mendes (2012) in the community of Rancharia, in the municipality of Campo Alegre de Goiás, Goiás State, involved a number of family farms. The aim of the research was to analyse the features of family-based agriculture and the importance of women’s work within the economic and social sphere. The researchers found that:

In rural households, women are considered ‘helpers’ within the production process given that, in contrast to men, they work intermittently and dedicate less hours to tasks associated to the sector, because they are mainly responsible for domestic duties (Mesquita; Mendes, 2012, p. 11).

The authors identified that the role played by women in the rural setting was that of “assistant” – they are not seen as central to the productive process, as there are other tasks they need to perform besides family agriculture. It is also important to note that, often, even women themselves do not recognize the value of their own work and accept and are content with earning less than men (Brumer, 2004).

Dornela (2015) observed that in the Cerrado Mineiro region, the direct participation of women in cooperatives and associations is low, approximately 29.5%, and that they only represent 9.6% of directors and board members. Culture, lack of knowledge, a lack of interest and support for these women are cited as reasons for these findings.

The coffee value chain

According to the National Food Supply Agency (Conab, 2016), coffee produced in the 2015/2016 harvest period in the state of Minas Gerais was estimated at 27,739,600 bags (60kg). The Cerrado Mineiro region was responsible for producing 6,502,100 bags, corresponding to a 53.61% increase in comparison with the previous year.

In recent years, there have been a number of changes in the way different products are produced, especially on the production side of the chain. If, on the one hand, the introduction of machinery and modernization has brought benefits to society, on the other, new problems emerged, such as unemployment. One of the factors that further increased unemployment was the creation of subcontracted and specialized companies to carry out mechanized harvests. These changes also occurred in the Cerrado Mineiro, leading to a reduction of the number of manual and seasonal workers (Silva, 2004; Ortega; Jesus, 2011).

In addition to the changes caused by mechanization, the coffee market is also changing. Recently, the green cherry has become more valuable. This increase in value and differentiation has been taking place in the specialty coffee segment, a market that has been gaining strength, with consumers being attracted to greater quality, despite higher prices. This market offers opportunities for different producers who pay attention to potential consumer demands (Oliveira et al., 2004).

There are few studies on the involvement of women in the coffee supply chain. One such was conducted by Meira (2013). She analysed a large arabica coffee producing region in the municipality of Barra da Choça, in Bahia. Her research examined the role of women in the coffee value chain. She identified that women have been participating more and giving more importance to their own remuneration and personal fulfilment, with positive impacts on their self-esteem.

Methodology

This is a qualitative study, whose main objective is exploratory. The method employed was based on the Strategic Planning and Management of Agro-Industrial Systems (GESis). This model was first developed in 2004 with the main objective of quantifying agribusiness systems. It has been used for different crops such as wheat, maize and flowers. Its main features are flexibility and the fact that it can be adapted to each study (Neves, 2008).

The design proposed was presented and validated in a meeting with the directors of the International Women’s Coffee Alliance in Brazil (IWCA Brazil) and its International Research Committee. It is worth noting that both the IWCA Brazil and IWCA International are committed to quantifying and researching the profile of women involved in coffee as a way of promoting their greater visibility within this sector.

The government databases and publications, as well as recent studies were analysed to estimate the number of men and women working in the coffee agro-industrial supply chain.

The narrative approach was used for the interviews that took place between January and February 2017. In this approach, respondents are encouraged to tell their life experiences in the area being researched. It is important to stress that the interviewer influences and encourages the interviewee to talk about important and essential elements, by following a plot from beginning to end, as specified by Flick (2004).

To begin, the narrative interview uses a “generating question” which addresses the main research topic. After the initial narrative, the interview can be complemented or added to so as to bring out more details or elucidate facts that have not been fully explained or specified by the interviewee. It is worth noting that narratives are forms of experience and different visions of the world, with different perspectives. The interviewer should not decide whether the facts narrated are correct, because they give rise to points of view within the specific context and the time the events were experienced (Flick, 2004).

Phase 1 of the narrative interview relates to knowledge and familiarization with the field that is being studied, so that the interviewer can ask questions that are relevant and important for the study. In Phase 2 the generating question is presented, so that the respondent is prompted to tell his or her narrative in as much detail as possible. Phase 3 is the actual narrative of the interviewee. It should not be interrupted by the interviewer at any time, until the narrator concludes his or her story. In Phase 4 the interviewer is able to ask questions that were not answered during the main narrative. Finally, in Phase 5, “why” questions can be asked, and the interview is concluded (Bauer; Gaskell, 2002).

Schutze’s proposal was used for the analysis (1977 cited Bauer; Gaskell, 2002). It includes six steps. The first refers to a complete and detailed transcription of all the content of the recorded interviews. The second step involves separating the interview into “indexed” and non-indexed” material. Indexed material is a set of facts that provide certainty and bring real citations, whereas “non-indexed” material represents individually created values and judgments, constituting a life construct. The third step is the construction of the individual trajectory of the interviewee through a timeline made up of the “indexed” material. The fourth step is the analysis of the “non-indexed” material acquired from the interviewee’s life trajectory. The fifth step involves the grouping and subsequent comparison of individual trajectories. Finally, the sixth step is the construction of collective trajectories, experienced through the history of each interviewee.

By following all these steps some points of convergence between all the interviews were identified. It was, therefore, possible to establish some corresponding parameters to the notions of trajectory for subsequent analysis: family influence, learning, perception of gender issues and prejudice, and changes in the coffee sector.

For the results and discussion, codes were used (E1, E2, E3, E4, E5, E6, E7 and E8) to identify the interviewees and safeguard the individuals’ anonymity. Interviewees E1 and E5 completed higher education, E1, E2, E5 are partner-owners, E3 is a manager and E4 a trade rep. Interviewee E6 is also a partner-owner and has completed secondary education. The interviewees educated to a lower level are E7 (incomplete secondary education) and E8 (incomplete primary education) and they are rural workers (Table 1).

Table 1. Profile of interviewees in the Cerrado Mineiro, according to educational level.

Interviewees

Educational level

Position in value chain

Position

E1

Complete higher education

Trader

Partner-owner

E2

Complete higher education

Barista

Partner-owner

E3

Complete higher education

Coffee shop worker

Manager

E4

Complete higher education

Trader

Trade Rep

E5

Complete higher education

Grower

Partner-owner

E6

Complete secondary education

Roaster

Partner-owner

E7

Incomplete secondary education

Rural worker

Rural worker (permanent)

E8

Incomplete primary education

Rural worker

Temporary worker

Results and discussion

Perception about the number of women in each sector

Table 2 allows us to estimate the number of women working in this field in the Cerrado Mineiro region, considering Patrocínio and its region, encompassing the largest concentration of coffee growers and the largest coffee production.

Table 2. People (14 years or over) employed in agricultural farms and the number of growers disaggregated by gender in Patrocínio, MG, in 2006.

Number of people

Total

Women

Men

% Women

People employed in agricultural properties (14 years or over)

18,442

3,717

14,725

20.1

Grower

2,712

166

2,546

6.1

Source: IBGE (2017).

Although data used here are not specific to the coffee agribusiness, gender disparity in the rural sector in this region is noticeable. This disparity becomes even more evident when the number of heads of farms and managers is taken into account – where the number of women was only 6.1%. When the workforce is analysed, this disparity decreases, but the percentage of women is still low.

An estimate of the number of women working in each specific position of the value chain in which each interviewee works is listed in Table 3, according to each woman’s experience. It can be observed that workers in the coffee fields (E7 and E8) have different perceptions of women’s participation in the fields (they believe that 95% and 50% of women, respectively, work as rural workers, in relation to men). However, while for one of them most rural workers are female, for the other, the number of men and women are equivalent. This suggests that the coffee growing workforce is more feminine when compared to other crops in the region. On the other hand, a woman grower (landowner) estimates that only 2% of women have positions like hers. This is lower than the figures revealed by the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics (IBGE, 2017) (6.5%) in Table 2. This may show that in the coffee sector, there are fewer female managers/heads of farm than in other value chains in the region, given that the IBGE (2017) data also encompasses other value chains.

Another area in which women seem to be more prominent is the coffee shop (in the perception of E3, 67% of women work in that segment). In other segments, the number of women is smaller, varying between 33% and 10%. It can be seen that in the trader segment (E1 and E4) and that of growers (landowners) there is a smaller participation of women in the region, according to the perception of the interviewees.

Table 3. Perceptions of interviewees with regard to favourable factors, challenges and the percentage of women working in their segment in Cerrado Mineiro.

Interviewees

Favourable factors

Challenges

Estimated % of women in their area of work

E7

Women do most of the manual labour in the fields.

Difference between salaries paid to men and women

95%

E3

Employment opportunities in agribusiness

Develop the Cerrado Coffee Shop project

67%

E8

Women take better care with the crop

Differences in salary between men and women

50%

E2

Opportunities to do a barista course

Set up their own brand of coffee

33%

E6

Husband started roasting business

Improve the quality of traded coffee

17%

E1

Father has a coffee export business

Learn and develop the skills to work in the coffee export market

10%

E4

Love and passion for coffee

Changed companies to earn less, but work in a field that brings pleasure

10%

E5

Support from the Coffee Growers’ Association

Little knowledge of the coffee sector

2%

Family influence

When considering women working in the different segments of the coffee sector value chain, some women stated that one of the influencing factors that led them to start working in this segment was their family.

My parents have always worked with coffee. [...] My father was a coffee farm manager for 25 years and my mother is a rural worker and she still works in the coffee picking season. When I first got my foot into agribusiness, my family gave me a lot of support, because they understand this is a promising segmen 1.

For one of the rural workers (E7), family influence had fundamental importance, given that “when we were little girls we were already going to the fields with our parents” 2.

On the other hand, there are those women who were not influenced by the family at all or any persons close to them. Working in the coffee sector was their own initiative, motivated by interest or because they considered it to be good from an economic point of view. According to the barista3, “I was not influenced by the family, no one drank coffee at home”. The interviewee who works as a trader (E4) stated: “I wasn’t influenced, even because in my family there is no one involved with coffee. I got involved because I had a passion for it, I watched it, I liked it and wanted to learn”4.

These facts corroborate a study conducted by Casagrande and Souza (2016) that points to different influencing factors when people chose a profession. They highlight a person’s own wish/decision, family influence and good remuneration.

Learning

Coffee is a commodity that, regardless of when it originated, requires constant studying because of the changes and transformations that take place with time.

When analysing learning and obtaining knowledge about coffee, it was found that the women interviewed, regardless of their position in the coffee value chain, see and think that continuous learning on this subject is important. The perception of those who are better educated is that learning takes place both through practical experience and theoretical courses and both types of learning (theoretical and practical) should be done on a continuous and permanent basis.

Coffee is not something we learn from one day to the next, no. It requires many hours of learning, many days and nights. Even now my father, who is 60, and has been working with coffee for almost 40 years says: ‘coffee is always a surprise, we learn everyday’. He mentions a saying he learned in the coffee industry: ‘in coffee there are only pharmacists, there are no physicians’5.

Among the women who have a lower level of education, practical experience is considered a way of learning. The statements of the two rural workers show that both started working with coffee when they were very young. Everything they needed to care for the crop and harvest in the day-to-day, they learned through practice, on the job and not from “hearsay”. One of them stopped studying when she became pregnant as a teenager and returned to school after her son was bigger.

I have always worked with coffee, this is the only work there is in this region, and this is all I know how to do, from filling small bags with seedlings in the nursery to taking the old coffee plants out of the ground to start new cultivation areas. I know how to do it all. When I got pregnant, at 14, I stopped studying, I was in the sixth grade. After six years, I returned and did the ‘Pró-Jovem’ programme so I could finish my primary education6.

Other interviewees also talked about the search for skills. The interviewee working in the roasting segment stated: “I went on a short course on coffee classification and tasting”7. Grower E5, said: “I knew nothing about coffee, but I started to learn by attending courses”8.

Perceptions of gender issues and prejudice

In relation to issues associated to prejudice against women in the rural context, it was observed that in some of the segments in the value chain, there is constant prejudice.

Depending on the segment, yes [...]. Where my mother works, it is difficult, because it is often very physical work. Although we know that, today, many women work harder than men, I think that in her segment it’s hard... But in management and administration, I think things have evolved considerably. It no longer exists...9.

Ah, yes, there is... Not so much nowadays, especially in my workplace, no. The difference in salary is not so large, there isn’t, no, but there are many places where there is a large difference, even in daily wages. It’s one wage for the women and another for the men. Perhaps the work women do is harder, there is that difference10.

The women’s narratives point to differences in salary as the main evidence of prejudice against women who work in the coffee fields. Despite the gender pay gap, interviewees noted in their narratives that managers prefer to hire women for handling the coffee. Interviewee E8 noted: “during harvest, it’s only women, because women are more careful with the coffee [...]. They (the bosses) think that we damage the plants less, men are more ‘extravagant’ (in that they are less careful)”11.

From these accounts it is possible to infer that there is still gender discrimination in the coffee value chain, in particular in the segments that require manual work and demand more physical effort, reflected in differences in pay. Despite preferring women workers, most growers still pay women less, precisely because they are women working in coffee cultivation. These facts corroborate Kergoat’s (2002) view. She argues that often there is a hierarchy of jobs considered to be masculine where men’s work is more valuable than women’s work.

On the other hand, when the higher positions in the value chain were analysed, the perception is that prejudice is being overcome. The perception of the female manager (E3), for example, is that she is valued and paid just the same as men.

Thus, the space where differences are more marked is the segment known as “within the gates”, that is in the rural environment, where growing takes place. In the so-called “outside the gate activities”, involving processing, trade and consumption, women’s realities are closer to those experienced by women in urban centres, where they were able to gain legitimacy and recognition, through making use of opportunities and the constant search for professional qualifications.

Mechanization in coffee growing and specialty coffees

With regard to changes that have occurred in the coffee sector, it is important to highlight the role of mechanization, ongoing for a number of years. It has improved coffee production but replaced human work. According to Silva (2004) and Ortega and Jesus (2011), in recent years, coffee cultivation has undergone intense mechanization resulting in negative social impacts, because of a decrease in the numbers of jobs, particularly in the fields.

Especially in coffee picking, a number of years ago, it was much better, because there were not so many machines. We worked and were well-paid for picking coffee. Today, we don’t earn so well during harvest time, no, sometimes working on a daily basis is more cost effective. But years ago, we used to earn well during coffee picking time12.

Mechanization brought benefits to growers, because machines are faster during harvest. However, for workers, this has meant a loss in work opportunities and lower incomes.

Another point worth highlighting are the changes in the coffee sector brought about by the specialty coffee market. It brought new business opportunities, opening the doors for other companies to act in this sector, as one of the interviewees states. According to E2, “with time, I became a partner in this business, today I own it with my husband [...]. I started as a barista and today (we have) a lab, we do micro-roasting of specialty coffees and own a barista school”13.

The opportunity for working in the specialty coffee market, with well-defined consumers who are willing to pay a greater price for better quality coffee (Oliveira et al., 2004) can also open doors for manual laborers and family-based agriculture.

Collective trajectory: “destiny” and “opportunity”

Women’s work in the coffee sector, seen as “destiny”, seems to be natural and has emerged as a common theme in the lives of each woman. It is important to stress family influence, which presents itself as a strong incentive for women in deciding to work in the coffee industry, as is the case of interviewees E1, E7, E8 and E5.

My father started working with coffee in the 1970s. During my last months at university, he and a cousin decided to open an export coffee business. My father asked if I was interested in working in his company, and I said yes14.

According to E8, a rural worker, her main influence was her husband. After marrying, he started taking his wife to work in the coffee fields. According to her, “when I got married, my husband already worked picking coffee, so I started going to the fields with him”15. This was also the case with E5, a grower, “I was influenced by my husband to start working with this crop. He started with 10 hectares of coffee”16. But this woman only started working in coffee production after she became widowed and saw the need to continue the family business.

On the other hand, some women see the coffee sector as an “opportunity”. They follow their own wishes or desires, because it is something new, or a promising business. They were not influenced by family or people close to them when they decided to become involved in the coffee sector. This is the case of interviewees E2 (barista) and E4 (trader).

Final considerations

IBGE data (2017) point to a low number of rural women workers (32% refers to women in the coffee sector with family links in management or heads of business and 14.6% to women working in the coffee sector who do not have any family links with the owner of the property) in the region of Cerrado Mineiro, when all the value chains are accounted for. When we consider the percentage of women who are heads of rural properties, these numbers are even lower (6.5%). When we compare these data with the perception of rural women workers interviewed, estimates given by them are higher: from 50% to 95% in the coffee fields. This suggests that the coffee growing workforce is more feminine when compared to other crops in the region. With regard to the number of heads of farms, the estimates given by the woman landowner and the coffee grower in relation to women’s participation as heads of coffee farms is lower than observed in IBGE data (2017) (2% of women heads of coffee farms in the region, according to their opinion, whereas the IBGE figure was 6.5%). This may indicate that there are less women heads of coffee producing farms than of other crops in the Cerrado Mineiro.

A larger percentage of women than men (67%) can only be found in the coffee shop segment. In other areas, the perception of interviewees is that there are few women involved in this sector (from 33% to 10%).

For some women, the family has had an important role in influencing their decision to work with coffee. Parents and husbands are mentioned as those who have encouraged their involvement with this agricultural commodity. For others, the dream of working with coffee and the economically favourable conditions in the sector were the factors that most influenced their decisions, which were not based on the views of family members.

Gender prejudice is seen as more striking by rural women workers than by others working in the urban environment. Particularly with regard to the continuing disparities between men and women’s salaries for doing the same work in the field.

In relation to the changes in the coffee sector, emphasis was placed both on the increase of mechanization and the consequent reduction in work in the fields, and the increase in demand for specialty coffees, opening new opportunities.

Finally, in terms of skills, the respondents talked of the importance of accessing courses and training, in particular those women with a higher level of education.

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Notes

1 Information obtained from an interview with E3.

2 Information obtained from an interview with E7.

3 Information obtained from an interview with E2.

4 Information obtained from an interview with E4.

5 Information obtained from an interview with E1.

6 Information obtained from an interview with E7.

7 Information obtained from an interview with E6.

8 Information obtained from an interview with E5.

9 Information obtained from an interview with E3.

10 Information obtained from an interview with E7.

11 Information obtained from an interview with E8.

12 Information obtained from an interview with E8.

13 Information obtained from an interview with E2.

14 Information obtained from an interview with E1.

15 Information obtained from an interview with E8.

16 Information obtained from an interview with E5.

Left coffee beanChapter 9Right coffee bean

Profile of women in the coffee sector in the regions of Oeste de Minas and Campo das Vertentes, State of Minas Gerais, Brazil

Danielle Pereira Baliza

Helena Maria Ramos Alves

Sérgio Parreiras Pereira

Luiza Andrade Zenith

Ana Paula Marques da Silva

Sara Maria Chalfoun de Souza

Margarete Marin Lordelo Volpato

Introduction

The coffee agribusiness sector in Brazil involves the work of both men and women. The role of women in the sector cannot be overrated. In recent years women have become important players, often responsible for introducing new production practices and trying out new forms of cultivation. Women are also involved in handicrafts, cooking and social groupings and in bringing back cooperation in all spheres of production. They are at the centre of rural networks, often connected through religion and family. Furthermore, they are the agents that drive behaviour change in a community (Lovatto et al., 2010).

This highlights the important functions that women have increasingly been performing in agriculture. Until recently, they were confined to a reproductive role within the domestic sphere that was directly related to domestic tasks and to caring for the family, as well as other activities considered to be the natural duty of women and which did not generate income (Souza; Viegas, 2013). Nowadays, women perform a wide range of other activities in addition to looking after the home. They are important players in a number of sectors associated with rural areas. However, they do not often take part in strategic decisions. Many do not recognize the importance of their work and keep themselves attached to a male figure, which increases their invisibility. They are neither seen, heard nor respected as stakeholders and are not considered essential for the future and sustainability of the coffee sector (Menezes, 2015).

Given that approximately 81% of coffee producing farms in Brazil are family farms, producing 38% of all Brazilian coffee, it is not possible to downplay the role of women in these small businesses (IBGE, 2007). This becomes even more important within the context of this study because, although women are permanently and actively involved in family agricultural activities, they are often considered to be only “helpers”, they are there to provide support. Therefore, their work is neither acknowledged or remunerated. This phenomenon is observed in a study by Macedo and Binsztok (2007). They noted that women’s work in the coffee growing sector in Rondônia had little visibility because women had less freedom than men, who are seen as providers and administrators and do not have to stay at home to look after the children and carry out other domestic tasks. Women work with men in agricultural activities and are also responsible for other work, such as milking, hunting and fishing. However, their work is only ever considered to be “help”. Other authors have also highlighted the existence of gender inequalities in different forms, calling this phenomenon invisible work (Heredia; Cintrão, 2006). In other words, for rural women within the family farm system, agricultural activities are an extension of their domestic duties and are not considered “work” (Heredia, 1979).

Given the involvement of women in the various segments of the coffee agroindustrial system, and the low value and visibility attached to their work, a number of proposals have emerged to study the functions and, consequently, the roles of women involved in coffee cultivation. However, until now, there have been few studies on gender relations in the coffee sector (Macedo; Binsztok, 2007; Meira et al., 2013; Barros et al., 2014; Arzabe; Abu-Hana, 2015). The studies by Meira et al. (2013) and Barros et al. (2014) were conducted in the municipalities of Barra do Choça, in the state of Bahia and in São Miguel do Anta, in Minas Gerais, respectively. They specifically addressed gender relations with emphasis on “production”, i.e. coffee growing.

It is important to take into account regional diversities in conducting studies. The lack of region-specific studies and the absence of official data on the situation and role of women in the coffee sector are some of the factors that have hindered the work of the International Women’s Coffee Alliance, Brasil (IWCA Brasil) (Menezes, 2015) and that of other organizations involved in the fight for gender equality in the Brazilian coffee sector and increase its sustainability. This work seeks to present a detailed profile of women in the various segments that make up the coffee agribusiness in the regions of Oeste de Minas and Campo das Vertentes, in the state of Minas Gerais. Its aim is to provide visibility and raise awareness of the importance of women in this system.

How the research was conducted

Information for this study was gathered via a number of survey questionnaires distributed to 204 women working in the coffee sector in three municipalities in the regions of Oeste de Minas and Campo das Vertentes, in Minas Gerais, where coffee growing is strong.

The municipalities chosen for this study were Santo Antônio do Amparo and Bom Sucesso in the Oeste de Minas region, and Lavras in Campo das Vertentes (Figure 1). Coffee growing is an important economic and social activity in all three municipalities. They are among the 150 largest coffee producers in the state, Santo Antônio do Amparo coming in 28th place in terms of area occupied by coffee according to data from the Technical Assistance and Rural Outreach Agency of the State of Minas Gerais (Emater Minas).

Figure 1. Location of the municipalities of Santo Antônio do Amparo and Bom Sucesso, in the Oeste de Minas region, and Lavras, in the Campo das Vertentes region, in Minas Gerais.

These regions have an altitude of between 800 m and 1,200 m and a hilly landscape. Average, minimum and maximum annual temperatures are, respectively, 20 °C, 14 °C and 26 °C with a total average rainfall of 1,400 mm.

Women rural growers, rural workers, agricultural cooperative staff, teachers, researchers and students were interviewed. Questionnaires were distributed in rural properties (smallholdings and farms), at the Bom Sucesso Mixed Rural Growers Cooperative (Cooperbom), during the 4th International Coffee Week that took place in Belo Horizonte, at the 42nd Brazilian Congress of Coffee Research in Serra Negra, São Paulo, and during technical meetings in which the women were present. The questionnaires were completed between July and December 2016 and refer to the role of women in the study regions. In the municipalities of Santo Antônio do Amparo and Bom Sucesso, women linked to the coffee growing sector were interviewed, while in Lavras, which is home to important teaching, research and outreach institutions, the interviews prioritized women working in these areas. The profiles of 157 wage-earning coffee pickers were analysed: 92 in the municipality of Santo Antônio do Amparo and 65 in the municipality of Bom Sucesso. In Santo Antônio do Amparo 20 growers were also interviewed, and in Bom Sucesso 7 profiles of Cooperbom staff working in different sectors of the Cooperative such as technical assistance (agricultural specialist), laboratory tests (lab assistant), sales (cashiers), sales supervision, finances and human resources departments were analysed. In Lavras 20 teachers, researchers and students working in the coffee sector were also interviewed.

The results were presented in tables and the data treated statistically using SPSS software. Descriptive statistics were produced through frequency and percentage analysis.

Profile of women in the coffee growing regions of Oeste de Minas and Campo das Vertentes

The profiles of 204 women interviewed are described below. Data from all questionnaires were consolidated with the following results: 77% wage earners, 10% growers, 10% teachers, researchers and students and 3% cooperative staff.

The first question, (Figure 2), showed that most women (41.1%) are between 46 and 59 years old; 26.4% are between 36 and 45; 13.7% between 26 and 35; and 12.2% between 18 and 25. Only 6.3% of the women interviewed were 60 or over. The study conducted by Meira et al. (2013) on gender relation dynamics within the coffee growing sector, in which 25 women of the Barra do Choça municipality were interviewed, also noted that most women were between 20 and 50 years of age or older. In this study, 73.8% of respondents were over 35. This shows that women who work in the Oeste de Minas and Campo das Vertentes regions tend to be older.

Figure 2. Percentages and frequencies of the variable “age” for respondents in the Oeste de Minas and Campo das Vertentes regions, between July and December 2016.

Figure 3 shows the variable “educational level”. Most respondents (52.9%) claimed not to have finished primary education. That is, they either did not attend school to the end of their 8th year or are illiterate. This is similar to the results obtained by Meira et al. (2013). They observed that more than half of the women interviewed (52%) did not finish primary education. The women of this region, especially wage-earning rural workers, require more opportunities to study as shown below.

Figure 3. Percentages and frequencies of the variable “educational level” for respondents in the Oeste de Minas and Campo das Vertentes regions, between July and December 2016.

Figure 4 shows family configuration. Among the respondents, 57.3% said they live in “nuclear families”, made up of husband, wife and children. Another 20.1% claimed that they are single; 12.2% have extended families (a nuclear family plus other members, such as grandparents, cousins and uncles); 5.3% said their families had a different configuration and 4.9% were widowed. It is therefore possible to claim that 69.5% of respondents live with their partners. This was also observed by Siliprandi (2015). She interviewed 13 women leaders of the Brazilian agroecological movement and noted that more than half (61.5%) of interviewees were married with children, whereas 23.1% were single.

Figure 4. Percentages and frequencies of the variable “family composition” for respondents in the Oeste de Minas and Campo das Vertentes regions, between July and December 2016.

Figure 5 shows women’s dedication to coffee growing throughout the year. Most respondents (63.1%) spent part of their time growing coffee. Of these, 35.2% divide their time between domestic tasks and working with coffee, 27.9% alternate their coffee work with other paid employment. This group is made up mainly of wage earners that do not work in rural farms throughout the year, but only during harvest time, while 23% of women dedicate all their time to coffee. The remaining 13.7% work for Cooperbom. They provide services all year round not only to coffee growers but also farmers working with dairy, maize, beans and other crops. Teachers/researchers and students working with coffee are included in this group.

Figure 5. Percentages and frequencies of the variable “dedication to coffee sector” for respondents in the Oeste de Minas and Campo das Vertentes regions, between July and December 2016.

Apart from working in coffee-related activities, these women are also responsible for caring for their children and the home (Chassot, 2004; Barros et al., 2014; Silva; Ribeiro, 2014). Even with the greater participation of women in the labour market, culturally it is men who are associated with activities that take place “outside the home”, while “the home” is still considered to be a woman’s place (Lovatto et al., 2010). According to Oliveira (2005), women are directly associated with caring for their family, from food to hygiene. They are also their children’s educators and their husbands’ advisers.

Figure 6 refers to the future of these women in the coffee sector. Among the respondents, 72.0% want to continue to work in the sector; 9.8% hope to study to get a better job outside the coffee sector and 8.3% want to study to get a better job within the sector in which they already work. Only 2.4% want to leave the coffee sector. These findings were similar to those observed by Meira et al. (2013), who also noted the satisfaction of women working in the coffee sector.

Figure 6. Percentages and frequencies of the variable “future” for respondents in the Oeste de Minas and Campo das Vertentes regions, between July and December 2016.

Profile of wage-earning women in coffee harvesting

Most wage earners do not work in rural farms throughout the year, but only during harvest time (Simões et al., 2016). The harsh living conditions and the lack of access to public policies that affect these women in particular further deepen specific gender inequalities (Heredia; Cintrão, 2006). It is important to understand the profile and the real situation of these women, the challenges and the difficulties they face. This will assist in the planning of public policies that benefit rural workers and, consequently, improve their living conditions. The profiles of the 157 wage earners in coffee harvesting are presented below: 92 from the municipality of Santo Antônio do Amparo and 65 from Bom Sucesso.

Profile of women wage-workers in coffee harvesting in the municipality of Santo Antônio do Amparo

Among the respondents from Santo Antônio do Amparo, 43.5% declared themselves to be of mixed-race; 33.7% black; 19.5% white; 1.1% indigenous; 1.1% of Asian descent and 1.1% did not reply. The total number of women who considered themselves mixed-race or black was 77.2%. When analysing progress and the impact of public policies on rural women, Heredia and Cintrão (2006) found that the mixed-race population is proportionally higher in rural areas. The authors concluded that in rural areas, in addition to gender inequalities, these women also suffer from discrimination based on ethnicity. Bruschini and Lombardi (2001/2002) also reinforce this hypothesis. When they analysed the increased access of women to the labour market, they found that black women were in a doubly unfavourable position, that is, they are subject to both racial and gender discrimination.

In the variable “educational level”, 51.1% of women stated they had not completed primary education; 25.0% had completed secondary education; 10.9% had completed primary education and 13.0% stated they had no formal education. Together, illiterate women and those who had no primary education make up 64.1% of respondents. These findings reveal the low level of education of the respondents – none of the 92 participants had higher education, and 12 were illiterate. Thus, wage-earning rural workers in Santo Antônio do Amparo need more opportunities to study, something also observed in Barra do Choça (Meira et al., 2013) and Bom Sucesso.

The third question asked whether women had computers and Internet access at home. More than half the respondents (54.3%) said they did not have a computer or Internet access at home; 10.9% said they had internet access by other means, such as mobile phones. Barros et al. (2014) investigated the effects of coffee harvest seasonal work in São Miguel do Anta, Minas Gerais. They observed that access to communication occurred via television, satellite dish, radio, wi-fi, DVD and rural mobile, but not via the Internet or computers, as observed in this study. The lack of IT knowledge and the fear of adopting new technologies are some of the factors that might make getting a job outside the coffee harvesting period difficult. The coffee harvest in the Campo das Vertentes region occurs from April/May to August/September. Many of these workers can only get a job in this period. During the other months of the year they do cleaning work and care for children and the elderly. These informal activities do not provide benefits such as a fixed income, paid holidays, social security or any of the other benefits regulated by the Ministry of Employment.

Among the 92 respondents in Santo Antônio do Amparo who work in rural properties during the coffee harvest, none live on the farm. They all live in the city and during the harvest they travel to the farm every day. This is also the case in other coffee regions in the State. According to what was observed in the Triângulo Mineiro and in Alto Paranaíba, the permanent workforce is small and most work is performed by temporary workers, hired during specific periods (Carmo, 2012).

When asked how long they have been working in the coffee sector, 57.6% of wage-earners stated they had worked for over 15 years; 32.6% replied between 4 and 15 years; and only 9.8% said they had been doing this work for less than 3 years. These findings suggest that most women have experience in coffee picking. This was also observed by Meira et al. (2013), where most respondents stated they had between 10 and 25 years of experience in the coffee sector.

When asked about family income (outside the harvest period), most respondents (70.7%) stated they earned up to the minimum wage a month; 22.8% between one and two times the minimum wage and only 1.1% more than twice the minimum wage. Barros et al. (2014) also observed that the family income of the women interviewed was relatively low: 49.0% earned between one and two times the minimum wage and 23.0% earned less than the minimum wage. When asked about by how much coffee picking increased their incomes, most reported an increase of between 10.0% and 30.0%.

Barros et al. (2014) noted that income from coffee picking was a symbol of security, providing women with autonomy and the power to make decisions. With the money earned from “picking” these women could purchase clothes for the family, invest in the education of their children, buy furniture and goods or refurbish their homes. According to Silva et al. (2005), the involvement of rural women in paid activities can increase their financial independence. On the other hand, women have increasingly less time to rest, whereas men’s time remains the same. Thus, women end up working two shifts (Barros et al., 2014).

Both with regard to satisfaction and quality of life, 40.2% of rural workers claimed they were satisfied; 25.0% were very satisfied; and 22.8% extremely satisfied. The total sum of respondents who considered themselves satisfied was 88.0%. Only 12.0% considered themselves to be little satisfied. This suggests that, even with low incomes and low levels of education, these women are fulfilled. Similar results were observed in the general profile of women in the Oeste de Minas and Campo das Vertentes and also by Meira et al. (2013), who noted the high level of satisfaction among women who worked in the coffee sector.

Profile of women wage-workers in coffee harvesting in the municipality of Bom Sucesso

Among the women who worked as manual labourers in the coffee harvest in Bom Sucesso, 32.3% were between 46 and 59; 29.2% between 36 and 45; 18.5% between 26 and 35; and 9.2% between 18.5% and 10.8% were 60 or over. These findings were similar when the total of 204 questionnaires were analysed – the majority of women were between 46 and 59 years old. This provides evidence of the similarities that exist between the findings in the municipality of Bom Sucesso and other regions.

With regard to educational level, over half the respondents (75.4%) stated that they did not complete primary education, i.e. finish their 8th year of schooling. Of these women, 12.3% stated they were illiterate and 7.7% could just read and write. Similar results were observed by Meira et al. (2013) and also in the municipality of Santo Antônio do Amparo, where 52.0% of respondents did not possess primary education. Heredia and Cintrão (2006) analysed the evolution of educational data in the National Household Sample Survey (PNAD) between 1992 and 2002. They noted a general improvement in access to education across the Brazilian population (rural and urban men and women), with a fall in the rate of illiteracy and an increase in the numbers of years of schooling. This has brought women closer to men in educational terms. Despite the improvement seen by the authors, it is still the case that wage-earners in the municipality of Bom Sucesso, similar to what was also observed in Santo Antônio do Amparo and Barra do Choça, still need opportunities to study if they are to acquire skills and, consequently, jobs outside the harvesting period.

Most of the women respondents (55.4%) only work in coffee during the harvesting period. At other times they are responsible for domestic work. Only 12.3% of respondents claim to work in the coffee sector all year round. The role of women in the productive sector is thus very much restricted to this period of the agricultural year. According to Teixeira (1994), investment in the education and training of rural women for agricultural work can be just as important and crucial as formal education, given that this learning can help to diversify their job opportunities, raise their personal income and strengthen the position of individual women.

When asked about their family, 73.9% of women stated that they lived in nuclear families made up of husbands, wife and children. These findings corroborate those in Meira et al. (2013), who noted that 80.0% of respondents were married. This number is higher than those observed in the general profile of women. In this case, the nuclear family represented 57.3% of a total of 204 women interviewed (Figure 3).

When asked about the future, over 78.5% of women replied that they wanted to continue in coffee picking because they were satisfied. Similar findings were observed by Meira et al. (2013) who also noted the satisfaction of women working in the coffee sector.

Profile of coffee growers

It was observed that the largest percentage (60%) of coffee growers are between 46 and 59 years old. Approximately 30% of respondents are under 35 and no interviews were conducted with coffee growers who were minors or over sixty.

With regard to their marital status, half of coffee growers were married or in a stable relationship, and 40% stated they were single. In general, there is a larger proportion of married women (living in nuclear families) between the ages of 46 and 59. This is similar to the general profile and to the profile of wage-earners in Bom Sucesso. These findings differ from those found among cooperative staff and researchers, teachers and students, where the majority are young (26 to 35) and researchers, teachers and students, who are largely single. Among Cooperbom staff, the same proportion of women who are married or in a stable relationship and single women was found. However, there is a significant proportion (40%) of growers who are single, even if the majority (60%) are older (between 46 and 59 years old). These data, together with the conversations held with respondents, suggest that some participants have remained single. According to Rodrigues (1993), unmarried single women living in rural areas tend to help their parents and nephews, as well as helping with domestic tasks and agricultural work in general.

In terms of educational level, 40% of respondents had completed higher education and 65% completed secondary education. A higher educational level was expected when compared to wage-earners.

It can be seen that most growers (45%) who took part in this research earn between twice and five times the minimum wage a month and 25% say they do not have a monthly income. Only 15% of those interviewed earn more than six times the minimum wage per month.

With regard to ethnicity, 65% consider themselves to be white and 35% mixed race. This is in contrast to the Santo Antônio do Amparo wage-earners where it was found that 77.2% of respondents declared themselves to be mixed race or black. In general, it may be observed that women on higher incomes (teachers, researchers and students, followed by growers) are mostly white, whereas those on lower incomes (wage-earners in Santo Antônio do Amparo) are mainly mixed race (43.5%) or black (33.7%). According to Bruschini and Lombardi (2001/2002), if ethnicity/race/colour is taken into account when considering the income distribution of men and women workers, it may be observed, first of all, that black workers are in a less favourable situation in the labour market and, secondly, that black women find themselves in a doubly unfavourable situation. In a decreasing continuum of incomes, white men come first, followed by white women, then by black men and finally by black women.

With regard to rural farms, it can be observed that half (50%) of respondents inherited their farm. Of these, 15% received part of the land as inheritance and bought another part, increasing the size of the land they inherited. In the old inheritance system observed in rural areas, when a daughter married, she received an amount of money or other assets. She did not have the right to inherit land. Land was inherited only by men (Panzutti, 1996). Traditionally, daughters only inherited land if their husbands were farmers (Teixeira, 1994), as observed by Brumer (2004). The author studied the reasons for the greater migration of girls than boys from rural to urban areas. It was observed that the daughters of farmers only became farmers if they married a farmer and that this made it possible for them to inherit the family’s land. A nationwide analysis of Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics (IBGE) data allows us to confirm this in relation to Brazilian agriculture (Lovatto et al., 2010). However, this system caused many misunderstandings within families, as women started to claim their part of the inheritance (Panzutti, 1996). It is hoped that progress will continue in terms of the gender distribution of inheritance between sons and daughters in rural areas.

It can be seen that most growers (80%) spend part of their time at the farm, whereas 45% of these women share their time between the work at the farm and other paid work. Over a third (35%) alternate farm/smallholding work with domestic tasks, whereas 20% dedicate their entire time to cultivating the land. Some changes to the family structure, such as a growth in the unemployment of heads of households, have led women, particularly married women with children, to join the labour market to supplement their family income (Damasceno, 2010). According to Teixeira (1994), when women fight for their independence, they are able to show that they can hold many functions, ensuring their greater participation in society.

When growers were questioned on the income disparity between men and women, 65% of respondents thought that men and women do not receive the same salary; 25% stated that their salary is equal to that of men and 10% said it depended on the professional skills of each individual. Asked about the future, 19 (95%) stated their wish to continue to produce coffee. A grower wanted to increase her production area so as to grow more coffee, while only one respondent stated that she wished to retire. Similar to wage-earners, growers revealed they were satisfied with their work and intended to continue in this field.

Profile of cooperative staff

In terms of age, it can be seen that cooperative staff are young. Most of the respondents are under 45. Of these women, 85% are under 35.

In terms of educational level, 28.6% of respondents have completed higher education and 65.0% have completed secondary education. This means that they have a higher educational level when compared with wage-earners, as expected.

In terms of their monthly income, 42.8% of respondents earn between one and two times the minimum wage and the same percentage between two and five times the minimum wage. None of the respondents said that they earned more than six times or less than the minimum wage.

In relation to their marital status, 42.8% of respondents are single, the same percentage as women who are married or in a stable relationship. It is important to highlight the number of children: none of the women stated they had more than one child. This seems to be the current trend. Most (57.1%) had only one child and the remainder had no children.

In general, when the data on cooperative staff were compared with that of wage-earners (coffee pickers), it can be observed that there is a reduction in age and an increase in the level of education, as well as an increase in monthly income among the women who work at Cooperbom. In addition, a smaller number of women are married with children. This corroborates Ribeiro (2017) findings, who reported that women with higher educational levels tend to have lower birth rates and marry later.

With regard of work experience, 85.00% have been working for over 8 years in the cooperative sector. When asked about why they chose to work in this field, the main answers, 28.57% in each case, were that they were influenced by their studies, interested in this area or saw an opportunity.

When asked about salaries and gender equality, 42.8% of respondents said that there was a disparity in salaries of men and women; another 42.8% said that salaries depended on professional competence, while 14.3% said salaries were equal. Most of the cooperative’s staff (57.1%) stated that there was some form of difference in the treatment of men and women in their areas. Among the negative aspects they cited the fact that people may find men more able than women and, therefore, more trustworthy; but, among the positive factors, they believe that people think women are better communicators and generally more pleasant.

According to Damasceno (2010), the involvement of women in the labour market has grown significantly in recent decades. Women are present in every segment and business, despite the prevailing inequality of opportunities, differences in income between the sexes, and glass ceilings.

Women’s work is very often thought of as assisting or complementary to the work men do. There is progress toward the equality of both sexes due to the permanent struggle of women to find a place and professional recognition, defend their rights and guaranteeing new opportunities for themselves (Serpa, 2010). However, efforts must be made to ensure that the difference between men and women continues to be reduced, as has been observed in this study and, consequently, achieve greater parity between the sexes in the coffee sector.

None of the respondents claimed they were not satisfied or just a little satisfied and 57.1% stated they were satisfied with the quality of their lives. The remaining respondents said they were either very satisfied or extremely satisfied.

When asked about their future, they all stated they wanted to continue working within the coffee sector. According to Meira et al. (2013), these women have high self-esteem, because they are satisfied with their lives. This includes working with coffee, having a family and their own resources to buy what they want or invest in something new. According to Damasceno (2010), they not only want financial but also “inner” rewards such as satisfaction, well-being and the feeling of being involved in something important.

Profile of teachers, researchers and students

Teachers, researchers and students tend to be young: 85% of respondents were under 35 years old. This is a similar result to that found among the cooperative staff. These findings contrast with the profiles of wage-earners and rural growers, where the majority of respondents were between 46 and 59 years old. In this group 70% are single and 30% are married or in a stable relationship.

As expected, among the group of respondents, all were at university, had a first or postgraduate degree. It is important to highlight that 65% of respondents were postgraduates. This reveals a high level of education, although most are young. Annual income varied between having no salary and a salary 10 times the minimum wage.

Teachers, researchers and students have the highest levels of education and the highest monthly income among all the profiles analysed (wage-earners, growers, and cooperative staff). It is a recurrent fact that, regardless of gender, the higher the educational level, the greater the opportunities in the labour market (Camargo, 2017; Guimarães, 2003), and consequently, a larger monthly income.

Most respondents (80.00%) said that they were white. This is a similar result to that of the growers (65.00%). However, this profile differs from that of wage-earners, among whom 43.48% declared themselves to be mixed race, 33.70% black and 19.57% white. These findings reinforce those presented by Guimarães (2003). She revealed that white women have a higher level of education. When the author analysed the life project of 140 women in higher education, she noted that white students were the majority, both at public and private universities (and the number of white women was even greater in public institutions). Black students are a minority in higher education both in public and private institutions.

When they were questioned on the disparity of salaries between men and women, 80% of respondents thought that men and women do not receive the same salary; 15% stated that their salary was equal and 5% said it depended on the professional skills of each individual. According to recent studies, women have had greater access to the labour market. It can also be observed that there has been an improvement in terms of the differences in salaries between the sexes. However, the recurring differences workers found in terms of salary have not yet been overcome. There is no parity between men and women occupying the same positions and having access to management positions (Camargo, 2017).

When asked whether there are more men than women in their area of activity within the coffee sector, 80% of women claimed that there were more men and 20% said that there was equality between the sexes. In general, these findings corroborate those of Arzabe and Abu-Hana (2015). They conducted a gender analysis in the scientific research environment related to coffee and found that research project leaders tended to be male. On average 70% of projects were coordinated by men. This percentage was higher when grants were larger, where 90% were awarded to male professionals with greater experience. On the other hand, women received more grants for Master’s degree and Doctorate courses. There was a significant increase in these types of grants awarded to women in 2014. This scenario allows us to suppose that, in the future, a greater number of projects will be coordinated by women, leading toward greater gender equality in all categories, including those grants awarded to more experienced professionals. According to Arzabe and Abu-Hana (2015), two gender stereotypes work as barriers to women in the sciences: a) the ongoing role of women as the main carer of children and the home (Chassot, 2004; Silva; Ribeiro, 2014); and b) the classification of some areas of knowledge as being typically male, for instance, the agrarian sciences (Cunha et al., 2014). Rigolin et al. (2013) studied the science and technology landscape at the National Institutes of Science and Technology (INCTs). They also noted that, within the agrarian sciences, the number of women leaders was small.

In terms of the future, 95% of respondents claimed they wanted to continue to work in the coffee sector, because they felt satisfied. Similar findings were observed with the other profiles analysed (wage-earners, growers, and cooperative staff).

Final considerations

The current study gives an insight into the profiles of women working in the different segments of the coffee sector in the Oeste de Minas and Campo das Vertentes regions, including their ethnic, economic and educational diversity. The information presented aims to promote and support planning actions and policies to improve the quality of life of these women, especially those that need it most, the wage workers responsible for the coffee harvests. It is important to improve the visibility and raise the awareness of people about the importance of the work performed by women in order to enhance the success and the sustainable development of the coffee sector in the Oeste de Minas and Campo das Vertentes regions.

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Left coffee beanChapter 10Right coffee bean

Women coffee workers’ centres in Espírito Santo1

Maria Beatriz Nader

Introduction

Women have always worked. In Brazil, however, ever since the colonial period, women’s work has never been recognized as a productive activity. We could argue that the reason for this disgraceful situation is the need of patriarchal societies to maintain women in a subordinate and dependent position. We will not be discussing this here, but it is always good to point to the historicity of patriarchy, which is characterized by a trajectory built on male domination and female dependency, within a scenario based on the exploitation of women and the sexual division of labour. This is part of a history of social contradictions and inequalities, marked by authoritarianism and family violence.

To talk about the work performed by women in Brazil is, therefore, to rethink the presence of women in the process of subsistence that has been in place since colonial times. Even when considering the challenges faced by the pioneers during the formation of a society based on sugar plantations in the Northeast of Brazil and the conquering of new lands in other regions to plant coffee, there were always women among them as part of the workforce2. Historiography and literature have disregarded the presence of women in the felling of forests and do not take account of their work in planting, harvesting and the trading of grains.

Despite the fact that, for many years, there was lack of white women in Portuguese America, the presence of indigenous and black slaves resulted in patterns similar to family and work arrangements that depended on female labour. Black and indigenous women often played an important role as members of the workforce and in the growth of the economy of the Colony and, subsequently, Brazil. The memory of female labour in Brazil seems to portray a predominantly domestic workforce, encompassing a number of activities that were typically manual and associated with subsistence. Women have historically been linked to the domestic space and their work downgraded. Nevertheless, they have had, within the sphere of the family, an essential role in the growth of the Brazilian economy. This work was just as important as that which took place outside the domestic walls, usually in the charge of men. The problem is that, in Brazil, for three centuries, manual work was not even regarded as “labour”, because this is what slaves did and, consequently, the manual work performed by women was also considered “second class” (Nader, 2008).

Like all other Brazilian women, the women of Espírito Santo (Capixabas) were just as important a part of the workforce as men. Regardless of the fact that women, at the beginning of modern society, were isolated in the private space of the home, this did not stop Capixaba women from doing their bit to maintain the economic and social balance. Female and male work, different in nature, especially in the plantations and in the commerce of grains, were complementary to one another, strengthening and building Capixaba society.

Domestic work performed by women was essential and useful, given that the survival of the Espírito Santo family depended on it. In an economic system based on agriculture, men did not have enough resources to maintain a family structure and relied on female labour, which was not just limited to ensuring there was food for the family. Women also prepared products that were used by all members of the household, from the cotton thread for cloth, sewing clothes and blankets, to products that could be sold in the market such as cakes, hats, drinks and leather (Morandi, 1984). This view of production by a group of people, i.e. the collaborative work between women and men, is often not considered within the family environment, where female activities are often seen as merely “complementary” to male activities. Even though they have relevant roles in many sectors linked to agriculture, many women, even nowadays, do not take part in strategic decisions that benefit the smallholding, and not even those that promote the welfare of the family. Often, women themselves do not recognize the importance of their work, always attaching themselves to a male figure such as their father, brother or husband/partner.

More specifically within the coffee sector, despite the fact that women work in the fields with coffee and have been doing the same work as men, they earn less and need to perform other activities to help support the family. Even when they perform tasks that add value to the coffee production, women often think that their work is not as important as that of their male work partners and accept lower wages to perform the same task. Considering the history of patriarchal conceptions of female behaviour, women themselves tend to downgrade their own work. Thus, t although women have an active and permanent participation in the coffee sector, their work is still not recognized or valued, especially in the segments related to coffee growing.

This essay will discuss women who have developed survival strategies within the coffee sector in the state of Espírito Santo. In order to do so, we will present the findings of an analysis obtained with the use of a questionnaire developed by the International Women’s Coffee Alliance Brasil, (IWCA Brasil) and answered by 154 women living/working in the rural areas of Espírito Santo. They are producers of arabica (Coffea arabica) and robusta (Coffea canephora) coffee and live in two regions of Espírito Santo known as Montanhas do Espírito Santo and Conilon Capixaba. The information obtained through the questionnaires not only contributed to this essay but will certainly serve as a roadmap to help in the understanding of the real conditions of Capixaba women workers.

Coffee in Espírito Santo

By the mid-19th century, coffee had become an important part of the economy of the state of Espírito Santo. After it was introduced to the State, it only took a few decades for coffee to replace the meagre sugar production that had existed since the beginning of the Portuguese colonization. The clearing of forests and the introduction of seedlings, the opening of roads toward the interior of the State and the settlement of European immigrants definitively displaced traditional agriculture and replaced it with coffee, at the time planted by slave hands in the South, before spreading to almost all regions of the state. The so-called “black gold” became the most important economic commodity and supplanted all other agricultural products in Espírito Santo.

European immigration greatly assisted the growth of Capixaba coffee production. From the first half of the 19th century, Europeans started to settle in lands recently cleared or which were being prepared for coffee planting. First, the German population was taken to a mountainous region of the province and settled in Colônia de Santa Isabel, where the climate was similar to that of Europe. This made their adaptation to the Capixaba mountain regions much easier. Some years later, the Italians settled in other mountainous regions in the state. Then other Europeans came, such as the Pomeranians, Polish, Dutch and Swiss, all from temperate European regions.

These people not only had to face the obstacles of the journey, but they had to deal with the tropical climate – something they were not used to – as well as unscrupulous gangmasters and the allocation of infertile land with very little or no support from the government. Large property owners took advantage of immigrant workers to benefit themselves in many ways. They divided their own land into small plots and sold them at high prices to the European immigrants forcing them to run up debt and give part of their production as payment. Europeans cleared these small strips of land and transformed them into family farms. They needed all members of the family to participate in coffee growing. Thus, since the 19th century, coffee has provided the State of Espírito Santo, that used to be economically underdeveloped, with a very peculiar form of settlement, through the partition of large slave-owning properties into small family farms, held by European settlers (Rocha; Morandi, 2012, p. 29).

Arabica coffee was grown in these small family farms. After the second half of the 19th century, this production resulted in economic expansion, promoting the occupation of lands inhabited by the indigenous population, fostering the integration of the State of Espírito Santo to the world market. In the Capixaba historiography (Novaes 1969; Oliveira 1975; Bittencourt, 1987a, 1987b; Ferreira, 1987; Cano, 2002), coffee was the main factor that determined the economic development in the hinterland areas of the State, previously totally uninhabited.

According to Rocha and Morandi (2012), coffee growing became the most significant economic activity in Brazil and provided the economic foundation of Espírito Santo. Gradually, from south to north, urban centres were founded and they led to the development of the railways and the expansion of the port of Vitória. The authors also claim that this infrastructure shaped the productive framework of trade and services that provided support to the coffee dynamics (Rocha; Morandi, 2012, p. 29).

Coffee was initially planted in mountainous regions and then expanded to almost all other areas of the State, thanks to roads and railways. In the 1920s, it was first planted as an experiment in the Vale do Rio Doce. The results of this coffee growing experiment were economically satisfactory and was supplemented by new production around Vitória and the coast, reaching all the settlements in both the north and south of Espírito Santo.

Information obtained from the Centre for the Technological Development of Coffee in Espírito Santo (CETCAF) shows that by the first decades of the 20th century, the State was the third largest coffee producer in the country (Centro de Desenvolvimento Tecnológico do Café do Espírito Santo, 2017). In 1926, Espírito Santo reached a milestone, exporting over one million bags. Thus, coffee became responsible for a large part of the State’s revenues, influencing other commercial ventures and associated industries. Coffee export revenues enabled the construction of roads and bridges and funded the supply of electricity and the urbanization of a number of towns, in addition to furthering development of the state capital, Vitória.

Coffee consumption increased in Europe and the United States after World War II. This stimulated the planting of more saplings in Espírito Santo. Production increased by 53% and the price of coffee traded out of the port of Vitória increased considerably. By the beginning of 1950s, 44,170 smallholdings were registered in the State. Cultivated areas increased by 39.4% and production reached over two million bags in 1951 (Siqueira, 2001).

All this expansion meant that coffee growing became even more important for the Capixaba economy. By 1960, 80% of the economically active population in agriculture in the State was employed in coffee cultivation or the coffee trade sector. Coffee not only monopolized the Capixaba economy, but also promoted the economy of other coffee regions in the country and around the world, significantly expanding their production capacity (Rocha; Morandi, 2012).

However, the trade in this commodity fluctuated, causing instability in the sector, often resulting in a fall in prices worldwide. As an example, in 1955, there was a 29.0% fall in the price of coffee and in 1959 this fall was 51.7% in relation to the average 1954 price. At that time, the federal government sought to control the price of coffee by promoting a policy based on the eradication of all unproductive coffee plants, introducing diversification in these areas by bringing in other crops, as well as renewing part of the coffee plantations. In Espírito Santo, this policy did not have a significant effect, but eradication profoundly transformed the economy of the State, causing social disturbance in the hinterlands, notably in the region known today as the Vitória Metropolitan Region (Nader, 2008).

In addition, investment in modern growing techniques and processing was small. This led to low yields and “lower” quality coffees, not suitable for export. The Government proposed to compensate producers per plant eradicated. This might have meant a far more attractive and profitable business for coffee growers than to maintain the plants and harvest the product which often did not have a buyer. If this was not enough, in 1962, rust, a disease that had been unknown until then in Brazil, was detected. Over half the arabica coffee plants, produced on a large scale in Espírito Santo, were found to be affected. The federal government therefore encouraged the eradication of almost 230,000 coffee plants. This aggravated the already serious social and economic situation in the State.

The deep impact produced by the federal policy of coffee fields eradication was not offset by programmes to diversify agricultural production. This meant that the State was facing serious difficulties. Consequently, its population was forced to diversify its agricultural base which, since the 19th century, had been dependent on a single product. The Capixaba “black gold”, or arabica coffee, now brought depression and poverty to the economy of Espírito Santo. In previous price falls or when the supply was too large, there was apprehension, but those events did not change the economic structure of the State. Now, it needed a profound transformation to free itself from depending on a single product.

After rust affected the State, it was almost impossible to replant arabica coffee. Thus, the cultivation of conilon or robusta coffee expanded. It was introduced to the State at the beginning of the 20th century. This type of coffee was first planted in a small farm in the municipality of Cachoeiro do Itapemirim. After a number of studies and for a period of time, robusta saplings were taken to other Capixaba municipalities and soon the cultivation of this crop expanded. The Real Café Solúvel company bolstered the cultivation of robusta in the State and the Brazilian Coffee Institute – Espírito Santo (IBC/ES) started research into vegetative reproduction of this coffee type, with satisfactory results. Subsequently, clones were produced and the Capixaba Agricultural Research Agency (Emcapa) started a new process of production and maturation of beans, promoting a technological revolution in the sector.

According to CETCAF, Espírito Santo is today the second largest coffee producer in the country, and the largest robusta coffee producer in Brazil, with over 70.00% of national production. CETCAF also states that in 2012, Espírito Santo had 82,400 rural properties and 68.16% produced coffee. Of this total, 40.43% produce arabica and 59.57% robusta coffee (Centro de Desenvolvimento Tecnológico do Café do Espírito Santo, 2017) (Figure 1).

Figure 1. Municipalities growing arabica and robusta coffee, Espírito Santo 2006.

Source: Frederico (2013).

In 2016, this production was estimated at 3,502,000 bags of arabica and 5,953,000 of robusta coffee. Even under the worst drought of the 21st century, according to information published in local papers, Espírito Santo harvested approximately 9 million bags of coffee, 4 million of arabica and a little over 5 million of robusta.

Women coffee workers in Espírito Santo

Both wealthier and poorer women work in this sector, each working according to their own need, given that Brazilian society has never been able do without female labour. With regard to the involvement of both black and white women in the Brazilian labour market, there are some activities which fall outside the traditional domestic services which history has associated with the sexual exploitation of labour. In Brazil, the Population Census of the Brazil Empire, in 1872, already listed activities performed by women outside the home, even if those activities were associated with the domestic sphere. This consisted mainly of manual work such as baking and selling cakes, sewing and washing clothes, as well as other work considered to be female, such as housework and caring for children. The census also listed as work performed by women some market functions typically considered to be men’s work such as livestock rearing, factory workers and craft producers, leather and skin workers, shoemakers, teachers, capitalists, property owners, book keepers, cashiers, textile workers, laundry workers and hat makers. These activities were performed by both free and slave women, with some variation depending on status and ethnicity. Thus, there was some overlap between the work done by enslaved and free poor women as part of Brazilian daily urban life.

Little is known about the participation of women in the labour market of Espírito Santo until the beginning of the 20th century. However, considering there was little work available for men, it can be inferred that availability of employment for women would also have been scarce. According to the list of professions set out in the 1872 census, the economic activity base was reasonably complex, and women were present in the informal market in a large number of occupations, in various regional settings. Outside the capital city, in the State of Espírito Santo, more specifically in the European (and later Asian) immigrant settlements, the family farm system involved all members of the family in the workforce, regardless of sex. That is, women performed the same activities as men, participating in forest felling, planting and harvesting.

Although rural women worked alongside the men in their family, society defined what functions women should perform within their smallholdings. Rigid religious traditions manipulated women’s education toward the need to form a family. The main role of women was that of wives and mothers, regardless of whether they worked in the fields with male family members.

Within the context of the social function of work in the Capixaba rural setting, women were also expected to work as nurses and midwives, in the kitchen, sewing and in animal rearing (Saint-Hilaire, 1974). In the fields, activities included clearing and weeding and harvesting coffee. The female workforce in coffee smallholdings was the mainstay of the Capixaba economic system. Family structures in these lands remained intact for the three centuries of Portuguese colonization in the Americas. It involved men and women in a rigid hierarchical society, based on very distinct social roles for each sex. For men, their predestination for the public sphere led them to choose a profession, and also to participate in politics and entertainment. For women their predestination for the private sphere determined their role as wives and mothers, as well as making them responsible for domestic work. This perception was strengthened by the family and the church, which took care of education and used culture and discipline to convince women of their role in society. This was the perception that prevailed among women who worked alongside men in colonial agriculture. Many women today still believe that they have to agree with these principles and live by them.

In Espírito Santo, there are currently over 285,000 women who work in agriculture. The coffee sector in the State involves 330,000 people (Centro de Desenvolvimento Tecnológico do Café do Espírito Santo, 2017). This production is predominantly based on a system of family smallholdings. It can be assumed that 40% of this workforce is female. There are thousands of women responsible for growing arabica and robusta coffee in smallholdings across the State. However, many are economically dependent on landowning men, whether their fathers or husbands, just as the immigrant European women of the 19th and 20th century were. According to Ferreira (2008), although women perform a number of different and important roles within the property, there are still many men who hold the power over the land and its production, just as the European immigrants did when they arrived in the State’s Montanhas region. Reinforcing the initial assertion in this essay, we argue that it is supported by the nature of patriarchal society and although women work in many sectors of the coffee agribusiness, their work is downgraded and lacks visibility, which upholds the power of men.

On the other hand, many women have managed to overcome the challenges of the last decades and have made themselves visible through decisive changes in status and behaviour. This has become clear, not only in the attitudes toward education and profession, but also in their views on marriage, independence and their role in the labour market, as well as the home. Both these conditions of women, that of dependency and power of command, however, are experienced through a dichotomy between the unilateral emancipation of women and ongoing male attitudes inspired by a repressive ethic that induces social conflict. As family power was based mainly on the husband’s finances, for ideological and social reasons, women subjected themselves and tended to accept economic dependency.

Within the Capixaba context, where women are financially and socially dependent on men, whether father or husband, and the importance of the female workforce, particularly in coffee growing, women sought to make their work visible by forming cooperatives and social groups to exchange experiences and knowledge. Thus, they inspired other women to seek learning, education and information that can help them reduce the barriers that prevent them accessing coffee markets.

Some of the agricultural cooperatives are known for a variety of agricultural products, including coffee. They stand out in the State and are known nationwide. This is the case of the Centro Serrana Agricultural Cooperative (Coopeavi) present throughout Espírito Santo and east Minas Gerais. It works with different agricultural products, as well as coffee. Coopeavi invests in infrastructure and actively seeks new markets that value specialty coffees produced by their members. To add value to their products, a group of Capixaba women coffee growers joined Coopeavi and established the Women Coffee Workers’ Centres. In Espírito Santo, the following centres stand out: the Montanhas do Espírito Santo Coffee Growers Cooperative (Pronova), the Marilândia Women Coffee Workers Centre (Figure 2), Vila Pontões Women Entrepreneurs Group (Figure 3) and the Santa Maria de Jetibá and Afonso Cláudio Women’s Group, among others.

Figure 2. Marilândia Women Coffee Workers’ Centre, ES. Research meeting.

Photo: Miriam Albani

Figure 3. Vila Pontões Women Entrepreneurs, Afonso Claudio Group, ES. Research meeting.

Photo: Leandro Lunz

Women involved in the Women Coffee Workers’ Centres grow and harvest the cherries and sell their production directly to the cooperatives. They also act in the social sector, collecting food and cleaning materials to donate to charitable institutions. They organize themselves to help old people’s homes and hospitals, removing materials that damage the environment, often recycling them. The aim of these women’s work is to collaborate with the welfare of society, promoting meetings, courses and events on self-esteem. They formalized the business of homemade goods that are sold to the community such as breads, biscuits and sweets. They are also involved in agri-tourism, promoted in the interior of the State. These women have discovered new skills and developed the potential for increasing their income to sustain their own families.

Who are these women? What activities do they develop on their family farms? What is their position in the coffee value chain? Do they receive salaries? Are these salaries equal to those of the men they work with? How do they see the hierarchical gender differences in their areas of work? Do they believe that men’s physical strength is essential to ensure that all activities related to the coffee agroindustrial system are performed? Why do they work and are, therefore, able to sustain themselves, but continue to be economically dependent on men? How old are they? What is their educational level?

In face of these questions and in order to better understand the women working in the coffee sector in Espírito Santo, this study made use of the questionnaire devised by the International Women’s Coffee Alliance Brasil (IWCA Brasil), an organization whose aim is to promote the visibility of women in the coffee sector nationwide. In order to do so, the Laboratory on Gender, Power and Violence Studies at the Federal University of Espírito Santo (LEG/Ufes) brought together students from the Postgraduate course in the Social History of Policy Relations at Ufes with teachers and students from various courses at the Federal Institute of Espírito Santo (Ifes) at Colatina, Venda Nova do Imigrante and Alegre. The study was also supported by the Council of the Rural Workers Union of Guaçuí. The questionnaire was completed, between December 2016 and April 2017, by women who attended meetings of unions, cooperatives and associations, as well as a coffee trade fairs. The aim of this work was to understand and make visible the universe of women in the Espírito Santo coffee sector. In some regions, researchers sought to meet these women directly in their homes.

It is also important to note that the coffee fields of Espírito Santo encompass both the Conilon Capixaba and the Montanhas regions. Women from the municipalities of Vila Valério, Linhares, Colatina and Marilândia were interviewed in Conilon Capixaba. In Montanhas, the study interviewed women resident in the municipalities of Alegre, Venda Nova do Imigrante, Guaçuí and Afonso Claudio.

Female visibility in the Capixaba coffee sector

The study was conducted with 154 women working in the coffee sector in the state of Espírito Santo; 94 women resident in the Montanhas and 60 in the Conilon Capixaba regions, where municipalities lie at an altitude of up to 400 m. These women live in areas where land is organized predominantly into smallholdings, based on family agriculture. Smallholdings and farms produce robusta and arabica coffee, where the initial capital investment is low, employing a small number of workers (Figure 4).

Figure 4. Number of family members working in coffee cultivation, according to the questionnaires answered by 154 women working in the coffee sector in Espírito Santo between December 2016 and April 2017.

In many cases hired hands are not necessary, especially when growing takes place in family farms. This observation is corroborated by the fact that only a small number of people are involved in coffee growing activities, from the clearing of the land to the sales of the final product. 68.83% of women confirmed that they only work with one or two extra workers in the smallholdings or farms where they perform their activities and they are usually family members.

It is important to note that only one or two members of the same family perform coffee-growing related activities, given that a large number of farms are family businesses. The activities performed by these people are the daily mainstay of the women involved in this research. They perform a number of different tasks linked to coffee-growing, either alone or with other family members. These range from clearing the land to marketing the final product (Table 1).

Table 1. Female activities, according to the questionnaires completed by 154 women in the coffee sector of Espírito Santo between December 2016 and April 2017.

Activity

Montanhas Region

Conilon Capixaba Region

Teaching, research and outreach

2

1

Processing

2

1

Inputs

1

-

Market and trade

2

-

Production

74

51

Publicity

1

-

Others

5

4

Did not answer

7

3

As mentioned above, the 19th century immigrants headed for the mountains of Espírito Santo, forming distant rural communities based on family agriculture. The isolation and distance between many families heavily influenced the consciousness of a strong and cohesive group in a country whose culture was very different from what they had known in Europe, increasing the rate of endogamy. According to Hees (2014), descendants of the first immigrants married people born in neighbouring municipalities. As Espírito Santo is a small state, marriages between these groups led to the survival of distinct ethnic groups and keeping family farms within the family.

Among the respondents, 72.0% self-declared themselves to be white; 20.0% mixed race; 3.2% black; and 3.2% of Asian descent. The approximate proportion of white women in both regions, Montanhas (73.0%) and Conilon (70.0%), stands out, given the history of European immigration in the state of Espírito Santo, where immigrants settled mainly in the mountainous areas. However, this shows that the internal migration flow, driven by the agricultural frontier, promoted the presence of European descendants throughout the State. Most particularly the regions at a lower altitude, where the average temperature is 30.4ºC and robusta coffee prevails (Incaper, 2017). Furthermore, all the women who declared themselves black live in the Montanhas region. Although it is difficult to associate the origins of the women who participated in the research by looking at the questionnaire data, the ethnically European population is dominant in both the Montanhas and the Conilon Capixaba region (Figure 5).

Figure 5. Ethnicity (self-declared), according to the questionnaires completed by 154 women in the coffee sector of Espírito Santo between December 2016 and April 2017.

When analysing the ethnicity of the Espírito Santo population, Saletto (1996) and Medeiros (1997) both agree that the “whitening” promoted by the influx of European immigration did not displace the strong presence of black people in the make-up of the Capixaba population. According to Saletto (1996), although there is a prevalence of people with light skin and blonde hair, the descendants of people from Central Europe and Northern Italy, the Capixaba population is unique, as almost half is made up of people with black skin. However, Saletto argues that, in recent decades, the colour of the Capixaba population is undergoing some changes, as miscegenation has been taking place, with a considerable number of European immigrant descendants mixing with Afro, Portuguese or indigenous descendants. This has turned the state into a “big racial melting pot”, argues Medeiros (1997). Saletto (1996) also explains that, among the people that immigrated to Espírito Santo, Europeans managed to improve both their social and financial status. This increased the visibility of this community, in contrast to the poorer population, giving the impression that there are more white people than other ethnicities in the State.

With regard to the educational level of the women living in both the Montanhas (53%) and the Conilon Capixaba (50%) regions, half have only studied to (complete and incomplete) basic level (Montanhas: 35% incomplete and 18% complete; Conilon: 40% incomplete and 10% complete). The other half have been educated to secondary (Montanhas: 24%; Conilon: 27%) or higher levels (Montanhas: 15%; Conilon: 18%) (Figures 6 and 7).

Figure 6. Educational level, according to the questionnaires completed by 94 women in the coffee sector of Espírito Santo between December 2016 and April 2017.

Figure 7. Educational level, according to the questionnaires completed by 60 women in the coffee sector of Espírito Santo between December 2016 and April 2017.

Among the 57 women who had not completed fundamental education, 82% are married. Among the 55 women that have completed secondary or higher education (complete and incomplete, including post-graduate), only 63% are married. The increase in the average marrying age of women in Brazil from the 1990s onward is very much associated with educational levels and the growth in the number of women in the labour market. These transformations have affected the age when people enter into a serious relationship and, consequently, the age for having children and/or starting families (Oliveira; Marcondes, 2014). One of the reasons that could explain the delay in marriage is the restrictions women believe exist due to gender roles, in particular, to studying and participating in the labour market at the same time as carrying out reproductive functions.

Although domestic tasks are most specifically delegated to married women (Figure 8) or to mothers of the family, girls and single young women also tend to be more involved in domestic tasks than boys and single young men. According to UN Women Brasil (ONU Mulheres Brasil, 2016), 78% of white girls and 86% of black girls do housework, compared to 39% of white boys and 40% of black boys. Therefore, not only do mothers allocate a considerable amount of time to look after their young children and the home, but, invariably, this work is also delegated to their daughters as soon as they are old enough to help.

As well as doing work in the fields, 78% of all respondents said that they spent some of their day on domestic tasks, regardless of their educational level or their marital status. The collective perception draws a positive image of women in rural areas when they engage themselves in both domestic work and work outside the house, in the fields. A good illustration of this is provided by the 15 single women in this study. Although they are not looking after a family made up of a male partner or husband, they still do domestic work. This reinforces the premise that women’s education still prepares them for performing activities within, as well as outside the home. And even when some have been educated to higher educational levels, as 10 women in this research have, or are studying at university, within the social perception, domestic activities form an inherent part of women’s daily life. It is important to highlight that the single women in this study ranged between 18 and 59 years of age. Therefore, they cannot be classified as being within a single age range.

Figure 8. Marital status according to the questionnaires completed by 154 women in the coffee sector of Espírito Santo between December 2016 and April 2017.

With regard to the age range of the groups (Figure 9), it can be seen that there is a large proportion of young women (between 18 and 35) in the Montanhas region (35% of total number of women). On the other hand, in the Conilon Capixaba regions, a higher percentage of older women was observed (over 35). The latter are generally more autonomous, perform a number of specific activities within their family and value their own work. Often, they have achieved a place where social and family characteristics are based on the acquired experience that comes with age, with retirement or even when receiving a widow’s pension, benefits that favour rural women’s autonomy.

Figure 9. Age range, according to the questionnaires completed by 154 women in the coffee sector of Espírito Santo between December 2016 and April 2017.

With regard to monthly income (Figure 10), a large number of respondents from the Conilon Capixaba region were somewhat wary of disclosing this information. For them, this question, together with the question regarding the rural management of the property, which asked for details of time spent on the farm, may be detrimental to them in the future, because of their pensions. Thus, there were a large number of women that did not answer the question about monthly income.

Figure 10. Monthly income (in minimum salaries), according to the questionnaires completed by 154 women in the coffee sector of Espírito Santo between December 2016 and April 2017.

According to the analysis of women from both the Conilon Capixaba and the Montanhas regions, 36.3% believe that there is no difference between men’s and women’s earnings in the fields, given that they were paid according to their daily production/service, that is, per bag picked. Therefore, those who work more, earn more.

However, a coffee grower from the Montanhas region, a widow of over 60 years of age, does not agree that earnings are the same. She stated that men always earn more than women: “earnings should be the same”, but “laws are sexist and women work twice as much as men”3.

Corroborating this claim, the Social Indicators Synthesis, which analysed the living conditions of Brazil’s population in 2015, using the National Household Sample Survey (PNAD), confirms that women spend over 20 hours a week on domestic activities (non-remunerated) whereas men, on average, spend only 10 hours on these tasks. This shows that a woman’s day, including time spent working outside the home, is longer than that of men (around 9.1%). Thus, men’s (remunerated) day outside the home is 23.9% longer than that of women, which means they earn more.

An analysis conducted by the Inter-American Development Bank (2009) about the ethnicity and gender disparities in pay revealed that, whereas in urban areas men earn more than women for all educational levels and ages, and in particular with regard to all jobs, in rural areas there is almost no salary disparity, because, on average, women earn the same as men. We draw attention to this phenomenon, because, even if there is parity in the payment for services, women continue to earn less than men, because they spend less time on remunerated activities and more time on non-remunerated tasks (in the domestic sphere). To corroborate this claim, the women who participated in this study state that there are more men than women working in coffee in their regions (Figure 11). This shows that the sexual division of labour is well defined and domestic labour (unpaid) is still the responsibility of women.

Figure 11. Perception of the presence of men and women, according to the questionnaires completed by 154 women in the coffee sector of Espírito Santo between December 2016 and April 2017.

Most respondents (87%) report that they own the land they work on (Figure 12). Therefore, there are few women who work in the coffee growing sector and do not own land. It is likely that the small number of women who report not owning land may be working in associated activities such as agricultural inputs (20.1%), logistics (18.8%), marketing and sales (18.1%), publicity (10.3%), teaching, research and outreach (0.9%) and coffee manufacturing and processing (0.3%).

Figure 12. Land ownership, according to the questionnaires completed by 154 women in the coffee sector of Espírito Santo between December 2016 and April 2017.

INCRA: National Institute of Colonization and Agrarian Reform.

Final considerations

We can state that, similar to thousands of women in Brazil, 66.2% of women in this research, living either in the Montanhas or the Conilon Capixaba regions work hard on a daily basis, alongside their male family members. This occupation is not recognized as work, but only as “help” or “collaboration”. These women are socially invisible, and, in some municipalities of Espírito Santo, they tend to come together to have access to information, income and financial autonomy. Together, they form the Women’s Rural Workers’ Centres of Espírito Santo, of which there are 13 across the State. Four of these Centres are specifically for women who work within the coffee agroindustry.

The fact that these women are seeking new ways of interpreting their role, acting on their own and adapting themselves to new forms of living has provided them with new opportunities, subverting the social impositions that mean that their lives must be tied to the domestic sphere. These social impositions have meant that, in the past, many women have had to give up education, professional careers and paid work. This has prevented them from sustaining themselves and their children in an autonomous manner and made them unable to participate in the political life of their social milieu.

Women that have come together in women only groups or that have joined cooperatives and unions are more active in public life, participating in a market that only a short time ago used to be controlled by men. Women are not only involved in production, but also in manufacturing and trade, agricultural inputs and marketing. With the influence and support of IWCA Brasil, women have sought to exchange experiences and knowledge, inspiring others to seek further education opportunities and information that can help women to overcome the obstacles that prevent them from accessing markets, obtaining financial independence and influencing policy-making.

However, we also observed that, although women own coffee growing smallholdings (either by themselves or with husbands/partners), traditional conceptions about the role of women are still in force and many live submissive and dependent lives that continue to tie them to domestic (non-remunerated) activities. This is the case of 59.2% of women residents in the Montanhas region who stated that there is a disparity between male and female social behaviour in the region where they live. For these women, the traditional patriarchal culture prevails, because “women are still discriminated against”. “(There are) companies (that) only hire men”, says Penha, a widow, white and over 60.

For the women of Conilon Capixaba, this discrimination relates to men’s greater physical strength and sexist prejudice which leads to a hierarchy of social roles and sexual labour relations. However, there are women who do not see a difference between male and female behaviour (28.6%). For these women, both sexes are treated equally and earn the same in family-based agriculture.

References

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Notes

1The following professors collaborated in the research that resulted in this article Miriam Albani (Federal Institute of Education, Science and Technology of Espírito Santo, Ifes-Colatina) and Rodrigo Paste Ferreira (Ifes, Venda Nova do Imigrante); Professors Leandro da Silva Lunz and Renata Alves da Silva (students of the Postgraduate Programme in the Social History of Political Relations at the Federal University of Espírito Santo, Ufes); Doctorate Student Alex Silva Ferrari; and Professors Alexandre Faustini and Master João José Barbosa Sanna (members of the Laboratory on Gender, Power and Violence Studies at Ufes).

2Not to mention mining, fishing, crops cultivated for national consumption and other subsistence crops cultivated by the Brazilian people. On this subject, see Samara (1999).

3Rosa, coffee grower resident in the Montanhas region of Espírito Santo, oral history obtained by the assistants in 2016.

Left coffee beanChapter 11Right coffee bean

Women make the difference: the importance of women’s work in coffee family farms in Norte Pioneiro, Paraná, Brazil

Luciana Soares de Morais

Cíntia Mara Lopes de Souza

Introduction

This research aims to contribute to the discussion on the importance of women’s work for the development of family coffee farming in the Norte Pioneiro region of Paraná State. It emerges from the need to provide visibility to the role of women, so that they can be valued and recognized in a region where coffee growing is an important source of income for family-based agriculture.

Paraná has an area of approximately 93,230 hectares of coffee cultivation. Around 35,000 hectares are grown the Norte Pioneiro region of Paraná (Instituto Paranaense de Desenvolvimento Econômico e Social, 2007). The Integração Norte Pioneiro Territory, where this research was conducted, was recognized by the Ministry of Agrarian Development (MDA) in 2007 and encompasses 29 municipalities, as is shown in Figure 1.

Figure 1. Municipalities in the Integração Norte Pioneiro Territory, Paraná.

Source: Perfil... (2015).

According to MDA data (Perfil..., 2015), this territory encompasses 10,436.05 km² with a total population of 312,757 inhabitants. Of these, 77,213 live in rural areas. Thus, the territory’s degree of urbanization is 75.31% with a demographic density of 29.97 inhabitants/km². In the previous census, the total population was 309,430; while the rural population was 91,759; the degree of urbanization was 70.3% and the demographic density was 29.6 inhabitants/km². Thus, there has been a decrease in the number of rural inhabitants during this decade and the intensification of the urbanization process, even within this area.

With regard to occupations, the most important sector remains agriculture and livestock, despite its reduced importance in all municipalities between 2000 and 2010. While the percentage of people over 18 years of age employed in agriculture in the State of Paraná was 14.35% in 2010, the proportion in the 19 municipalities of this territory was over 30% (Instituto Paranaense de Desenvolvimento Econômico e Social, 2007).

In terms of occupied area, the most significant agricultural products in 2012 were: soya (Glycine max L.) (154,700 ha), maize (Zea mays) (129,991 ha), wheat (Triticum aestivum) (62,463 ha), sugar cane (Saccharum officinarum L.) (51,387 ha) beans (Phaseolus vulgaris) (30,190 ha) and coffee (Coffea arabica) (26,130 ha). Coffee growing, therefore, represents 12% of the gross production value (GPV) of the territory in years of good yield (Instituto Paranaense de Desenvolvimento Econômico e Social, 2007).

The agricultural census data presented by Silva (2012) show that in 2006, 80.61% of rural properties in this territory were family farms (as defined by Act No. 11.326/2006) (Brasil, 2006), a total of 17,065 properties.

More specifically, this study focused on 11 municipalities (Curiúva, Figueira, Ibaiti, Japira, Jaboti, Pinhalão, Tomazina, Siqueira Campos, Salto do Itararé, Carlópolis and Joaquim Távora) where women coffee growers participating in the Coffee Women (Mulheres do Café) Project reside. This project is coordinated by the Technical Assistance and Rural extension Agency of Paraná (Emater/PR), in place since April 2013.

Women’s profile and data collection

In order to develop a general profile of the women participating in the project, a structured questionnaire was used. It contained questions on personal data, activities performed in the rural property and future expectations within the coffee sector. Interviews took place between October and November 2016.

Respondents to the questionnaire comprised 75 women coffee growers, living in 9 municipalities who took part in the project’s collective activities during the survey period. Most were between 36 and 59 years old (69.3%): 26 were between 36 and 45, and 26 between 46 and 59. The other respondents fell within the following age ranges: 10 women were between 26 and 35 years; 10 over 60; one was under 18; one between 18 and 25 years; and one did not give her age.

In terms of educational level, most respondents had not completed basic education (42.6%), followed by those with completed basic education (16%), completed secondary education (16%) and incomplete secondary education (14.7%). When this data is aggregated, it can be seen that over half of these women (58.6%) had completed basic education at most. Only two women (2.6%) had higher education (one complete and one incomplete) and had studied subjects not related to agricultural production.

With regard to marital status, 86.7% were married or in a stable relationship and 13.3% lived without a partner (widows, single or divorced women). In most of the respondents’ families one or two people worked with coffee on the farm (70.6%).

In relation to land ownership, most women were family farmers and owners (89.3%) whereas 6.6% worked in partnership with the landowner and 2.6% were rural workers. Regarding occupation, 82.6% of respondents worked only on their farms. When asked about their future expectations, 92% said they wanted to remain in coffee-growing.

We consider that these data can be extrapolated to provide a profile of the coffee women in family farms in the Norte Pioneiro do Paraná: they are generally women over 35 years old, with basic education, landowners who want to remain in coffee growing.

In addition to this survey, we have collected participant observations with the 11 groups of women during the project’s activities (technical meetings, gatherings, field days, courses, exchanges and technical visits). A number of qualitative questions were also asked through a specific questionnaire. The qualitative questionnaire was completed during a round of meetings in April/May 2017 and consisted of a list of activities related to coffee growing, from preparing the fields to trading the product (Table 1). In total, 93 coffee growers identified which activities are performed exclusively by men, exclusively by women or performed by both.

A focus group met in the district of Matão, in the town Tomazina, PR, where the coffee growers of this municipality tend to live. It has a coffee growing tradition of over 100 years. The 20 participants of the focus group (held in April 2017) were women family farmers involved in the Coffee Women project. Their names were kept confidential in this study. Information was recorded with a digital recorder, with the permission of the participants. Additional notes were made to complement the transcription of the coffee growers’ accounts.

Coffee growing is the main income source for the respondents’ families. Six cases were identified where families have another relevant income source: four families also produce milk and two crafts (underwear and woodwork).

With regard to mechanization, respondents in the focus group estimated that approximately 60% of the work is performed with the assistance of small machines and/or motor/manual equipment (such as backpack sprayers, manual coffee stripping machines, blowers, trimmers, coffee bean washers and driers). The rest of the work is entirely manual, as in the case of pruning, thinning and weed control, where, in some cases, a hoe is still used. Just one woman mentioned picking part of the crop by using a harvester, in other cases, this work is either totally manual or with the help of either a manual or motor stripping machine.

The work of women in family coffee farms in the Norte Pioneiro, PR

In 2013, Emater started a project entitled Coffee Women. It is an innovative technical assistance and rural extension project for women family farmers. The aim is to enhance the skills and productive organization of the women involved in coffee growing. It also seeks to bring quality assurance and positively influence generation and appropriation of income by women coffee growers, in order to reduce the historical gender inequalities, present in the rural environment. This project, still under way, provides services to 200 women coffee growers in the 11 municipalities mentioned above.

In order to understand which activities are performed by women in the coffee fields of the Norte Pioneiro of Paraná, a list of 45 activities was developed (Table 1) – from the planting of the crop to the trading of the product. This list was developed with the support of two agronomists specialized in coffee and working as outreach workers for Emater.

Table 1. Activities performed in coffee growing in the Norte Pioneiro do Paraná.

Planting

1. Choosing the area for planting

2. Collecting soil for analysis

3. Deciding on the variety to be used

4. Ordering the seedlings

5. Preparing the soil (applying herbicide, ploughing and grading)

6. Liming (applying calcium manually or by tractor)

7. Planting Brachiaria ruziziensis

8. Opening hole for planting (with mattocks or plough)

9. Liming and fertilizing the holes or furrows

10. Planting the seedlings

11. Fertilizing seedlings (manual or mechanized)

12. Clearing the holes (weeding or herbicide)/weed control

13. Frost prevention (piling up soil close to the stems)

Cultivation

14. Yearly soil analysis

15. Sowing of Brachiaria ruziziensis or managing the local plants

16. Monitoring pests and diseases

17. Spraying or other means of applying chemicals for pest and disease control

18. Thinning

19. Pruning (skeleton, collar pruning, stumping)

20. Fertilizing

21. Adding organic matter (coffee husks, chicken bed, others)

22. Cleaning/Weeding or applying herbicides to clean the rows

23. “arruação” (underplant cleaning)/pre-harvest cleaning

Harvest

24. Preparing facilities (mend cloths, sieves, clean and repair terraces, clean storage facilities, organize material, check machines such as washers, dehuskers, demucilagers and dryers).

25. Hire labourers or seek helpers for the harvest

26. Plan the harvest (harvest map - the harvest order of plant groups)

27. Check whether it is possible to hire a harvesting machine

28. Place/remove cloths

29. Pick the coffee

30. Sieve the coffee

31. Bag the coffee

32. Carry/transport coffee to the terrace

33. Wash/separate coffee before placing on terrace

34. Pulping

35. Spreading the coffee of the terrace

36. Placing the coffee in the dryer

37. Turning, piling the cherries on the terrace

38. Looking after the dryer

39. Bagging or looking after the coffee in bulk in storage area

40. Follow up/organize the coffee processing

Trading

41. Organizing and taking samples

42. Tasting or following up/requesting coffee tasting

43. Offer product to buyers and close the deal

44. Deliver product to buyer

45. Receive payment for coffee sold

The questionnaire based on the above list was divided into four parts: planting, cultivation, planting, harvesting and trading. In each question there were figures of a man, a woman or both (man and woman), as shown in Figure 2.

Figure 2. Example of question used in questionnaire.

The questionnaire was used with a group of women that participated in the Norte Pioneiro Coffee Women’s Project. 93 women took part in the collective activities of the project during April 2017. Respondents were told that, for each activity listed, they had to pick the figure of the man, the woman or both, according to who performed that specific activity in their property.

The questionnaires were then entered into a Microsoft Excel worksheet and analysed. Results were then turned into graphs so as to enhance visualization, as follows.

Figure 3 shows the percentage of activities exclusively performed by men, exclusively performed by women or performed by both. As can be seen, 51% of activities were identified as being exclusively performed by men; 41% by both (men and women) and 6% exclusively by women, 2% do not apply or were not answered. If we bring together the activities that are performed by both men and women with those that are performed only by women, they add up to 47% of activities that take place in the family coffee farms in Norte Pioneiro do Paraná.

Figure 3. Percentage of activities performed exclusively by women, exclusively by men, or by both (women and men together) and cases that do not apply/did not answer.

Figure 4 shows the participation of only men, only women and both women and men in each of the coffee cultivation activities. Questions 1 to 13 refer to the planting phase; questions 14-23 to the cultivation phase; questions 23-40 to the harvest phase; and questions 41-45 to coffee trading. Although questions 24 to 40 (relating to harvest) focus on the work performed exclusively by women (in red), both men and women (yellow), the graph demystifies the widespread belief that women only work during the harvest.

Figure 4. Activities performed exclusively by women, exclusively by men or by both (women and men), excluding non-applicable cases or where there were no answers, divided into four phases: planting, cultivation, harvest and trading. Description of activities in Table 1.

It is rare to see women working alone, usually occurring when women do not have a partner (single, separated or widow). However, men and women work alongside each other in a number of activities, from the planting phase, to harvesting and trading. Women’s work is more significant (over 50% of the cases) in relation to the following questions: 10 (planting seedlings); 20 (fertilization); 24 (preparing facilities, machines and materials for the harvest); 28 to 31 (placing/removing the cloths; manual or machine picking; sieving or blowing the coffee/bagging the coffee in the fields)/ 33 to 37 (washing/separating the coffee before taking to the terrace; coffee pulping; spreading it on the terrace; placing the coffee in the dryer; turning and piling the coffee on the terrace); and 39 (bagging/storing the bulk coffee in the storage area), as can be seen from Figure 5.

By contrast, activities that are predominantly male (over 50% of the cases) are seen in questions 1 to 8, referring to planting (the choice of planting area; collecting soil for analysis; defining the variety to plant; ordering the seedlings/preparing the soil; liming, planting the Brachiaria; opening holes for planting); 14 and 15 (soil analysis/seeding the Brachiaria/manage the area); 17 (spraying or other type of pest and disease control)/ 19 (pruning); 22 (clearing, weeding or applying herbicide to clean the rows); 22 (hiring labour); 27 (hiring harvest machinery); 32 (carrying/transporting the coffee to the terraces); 40 (following up/ organizing the coffee processing); and 41 to 45 (all stages of trading).

With regard to coffee sales, men usually go out to trade, and if they like the proposal, they sell the coffee: “It’s my husband who really decides” (oral history)1.

Memories of coffee growing in the Matão district, Tomazina, PR

From the 1850s onward, a new phase started in the Norte Pioneiro do Paraná with the arrival of farmers to settle in the area from Minas Gerais and São Paulo, interested in the tracts of red earth to cultivate coffee. The first settlements were in São José do Cristianismo, today São José da Boa Vista (1853); Colônia Mineira, today known as Siqueira Campos (1863); Tomazina (1867); and Santo Antônio da Platina (1886) (Mussalam, 1974).

Nowadays, the district of Matão has the largest concentration of coffee production in the municipality of Tomazina. The accounts of coffee women from this area point to the fact that coffee pioneers arrived almost 100 years ago, many came from Minas Gerais, as did a respondent’s great grandparents:

It goes back to the time of my great grandparents. There were pioneers in this community and when they came, they already intended to grow coffee. So, we said last year in Carlópolis (during the group presentation), our community would be celebrating one hundred years of coffee growing. It was brought over by my great grandparents. So, it’s been in my family for a long time. My father said that, as a child, his parents already worked with coffee (oral history)2.

The similarity in the climate, compared with Minas Gerais and previous experience in coffee are the factors that, according to the women, made families decide to grow this crop when they arrived in the district of Matão. Another respondent says:

My father-in-law tells us that when they came, that is, our great-grandparents, from Minas, it was because they found this region very conducive to coffee growing. They already grew it there, so they came here and saw this was a similar region (oral history)3.

It is common to hear in the region that this or that person “was born under a coffee bush”. It means that growing coffee has been going for generations, and the person grew up familiar with this culture. This is also the case in the district of Matão, where our respondents (almost all of them) started to work in the fields very young. Work was intermingled with childhood games. They were around 5 or 6 years old, according to their accounts. They would take lunch or “a snack” to the fields or look after their siblings while their parents worked, the girls would be gradually introduced to coffee-growing related tasks, even if they did not like it.

Look, in fact, I grew up helping with coffee. I don’t work today, I have my own smallholding, together with my parents, but I do not work in the fields. I help on the terraces or with other activities. But, as a child, I grew up working on the terrace, taking lunch and snacks, as was the custom at the time, but I always worked with coffee. [...] five, six years old, I used to take food to the fields, lunch, before, we used to take lunch, we worked with lots of `companions`. My mother too, the children were little, so, even when we were small, we all had to help, even if we did not like it much, taking lunch, then taking snacks, we had to go, didn’t we? Even if we didn’t want to, we always helped by going to the fields (oral history)4.

Gradually other activities were added to a girl’s routine: “My father took me to the fields when I was a child, to clean the tree trunks, the coffee plant, raking with our hands, taking leaves away” (oral history) 5.

With marriage and the arrival of children, domestic tasks and coffee growing come together, the work multiplies, according to the statements of women interviewed. Other girls/women/daughters were introduced to the routine (Figure 5), as the following statement shows:

Ever since I got married, I go and light up the fields for my husband to plant coffee at night. I could have been pregnant, almost to give birth to my son. My first son, I was picking coffee, then I had him that night. Later, (the birth of children) came every two years, or after a year and a bit, so I could be pregnant, I could be on a diet, but there I was, weeding away. Then, at around seven, one (child) looked after another. I used to take them (to the fields), leave them (with the older ones), but I would not leave them with neighbours. I left them at home, you know. My children were raised by me and my husband, we did not hand them around. The seven-year-old, mine, took the other child, the baby that had just been born, she must have been 60 days old, she fell with the baby, and she used to bring her for me to breastfeed. I would feed her, and she would take her back home again. That’s how it was, my whole life was like this. I retired looking after coffee (oral history)6.

Most of the women interviewed agree that the women from earlier generations (their mothers and grandmothers) worked in the fields during all the stages of the plant, all year round. “Before, women went to the fields all year round... They weeded... They had more children, the children would stay at home, one looked after the other and the couple went to the fields, all year round” (oral history)7.

My mother worked all her life in the fields, just like Dona Helena. All her life she helped my father, ever since they got married. Then the older children, the ones who were older, they would stay at home, make food and be at home with their younger siblings. And mom would work with dad, all their lives (oral history)8.

Figure 5. Girl watching her grandmother sewing coffee bags (A); child playing while mother and daughter sift through picked coffee (B). Matão District, Tomazina, PR, 2016.

Photos: Silvana Aparecida de Souza Gonçalves (A); Giovana da Silva Souza (B)

Some of the women’s accounts link past and present. From their grandparents to their children, they remember coffee growing passing from generation to generation, enabling reproduction and continuity of family-based agriculture in the district.

I also grew up (with coffee), my parents, grandparents, they have always produced coffee. My mother has worked since she was young, when she was single she used to work, she was already a coffee grower [...]. She came from Minas Gerais and met my father here, yeah, and they are still together today, they retired a year ago, now they can’t manage working with coffee anymore. Me, it’s been 32 (years) that I have lived here, yeah, and (worked) with coffee. We produced coffee and raised our children, right? And, as they say, they are all here in Matão, working with coffee. I help my husband with the terrace, with the dryer, he has only ever had me to help. He worked with his dad, with his brothers, then the farm got bigger, the children grew up, so today, there’s still just the family working. We get temporary workers to harvest the coffee, so we work more during coffee picking time (oral history)9.

If we manage to raise our children here in the property, that’s thanks to coffee. Because, if it wasn’t for coffee, I think we would be all in the city by now. And in the city, there is a lot of unemployment, too many people... Huge population in the city, right? And this way, we have raised our children, our families here (oral history)10.

Our respondents were unanimous is claiming that women work very hard in coffee growing. Harvest time, which is generally from May to October (sometimes until November, depending on the weather) is the time when women believe that they work more in activities associated with coffee growing. Some women, however, work practically throughout the whole cycle. Taking care of the dryer and the terrace is cited as their main activity. Only women who are much older or retired do not perform any activities related to coffee growing (only one account in the group of interviewees).

Not only married and adult women, but also single and young women talk about working in coffee growing activities, coffee picking, taking care of the terrace and the dryer, as well as other activities such as bagging, transporting, placing the coffee in storage. Some report performing activities which are considered to be typically male, such as driving tractors (two respondents), despite the fact that married women stress that husbands do not like women performing this activity, claiming it is “too dangerous” for them (Figure 6).

Figure 6. Woman coffee grower driving a tractor and ploughing the land, Matão district, Tomazina, PR, 2016. Photo: Rodrigo Tavares Gonçalves.

During harvest time, when hired hands are most needed, the work starts early and can last till late at night. Some women report starting work at 5 a.m. and stopping at around 6 p.m. (13 hours of work per day). Others start later, at approximately 6 a.m. (greater number of accounts) and finish between 8 p.m. and midnight (14 to 18 hours of work).

The work can go on at this pace, from Monday to Monday, during the harvest season. For women, the work involves not only activities strictly related to coffee, but almost all domestic tasks and childcare.

We wake up, go and take care of things, do their animal rearing duties, milking, and then go to the fields. So we get up earlier, at around five thirty, six o’clock and we stop, sometimes at ten thirty (in the evening) and we are eating at ten thirty, eleven o’clock, sometimes; sometimes we don’t even do the dishes properly, so we can go to sleep, so that next day we can start early again (oral history)11.

From six to eight, from six to nine. When the coffee is on the terrace, sometimes we stay there till past midnight... Ten, eleven, midnight... It depends. If we have to cover the terrace, pile the coffee, when it is wet, then you go whenever you can... Even if it’s late (oral history)12.

During harvest time, from Monday to Monday, [...] we have the terrace, right? If it’s Saturday, Sunday, bank holidays, we don’t stop during harvest time. So, it’s Monday to Monday, from May to September, October, from six-thirty, seven to around nine, ten at night. That’s when there are no problems, otherwise... We go on to midnight, one in the morning (oral history)13.

Because during harvest, its everyone at the same time, there are two, three growers harvesting on the same day. We need to depulp on the same day (the machine is for collective use). That’s why it’s so late... (oral history)14.

During harvest time, the men in the family, specially husbands, sometimes “help” the women with domestic tasks (around 50% of women reported this). Outside this period, there is practically no help. Only one woman reported getting help from her son with these activities. None of the women interviewed received outside help with these tasks.

From eight to four in the fields. But at home, at five-thirty, I’m already up, cooking lunch, washing the dishes... Then the evening comes, we have the cows, the children need bathing, and there’s supper to do every day (oral history)15.

In general women like to work with coffee, but they do highlight some activities that they do not like or think it is too hard for them. The following activities were mentioned: taking care of the dryer; looking after the terrace, placing and arranging the cloth under the coffee trees. They justified their dislike by stating that they tended to graze their backs on the branches and that they are scared of insects and poisonous animals such as spiders, wasps and snakes that might be hiding in the fields.

These opinions are not unanimous, however. There are women who cite looking after the dryer and raking and piling as favourite activities. Most, however, prefer to pick coffee during harvest time. Two women do this with a manual stripper (which some think is not a job for women) and others with their own hands. With regard to sieving or blowing the coffee after harvest, this is considered a difficult activity for women, as is carrying the coffee bags, though there are cases of women performing all these activities.

At home, my husband gets up, looks after the pigs and other rearing activities, I prepare lunch and the water bottle. Then I put everything in the tractor, lunch, everything, right? We go to the fields together. In fact, he and I, we leave together, and we come back together, at the same time. If he goes alone, he does nothing (she laughs). If I stay at home, he says ‘what am I going to do?’ He can’t, the cloth has to be pulled, then there’s me and my son, so it’s no good, (if we don’t do it) he needs to leave his machine to pull the cloth, so I have to go with him (oral history)16.

This year, I can’t, I am pregnant, I won’t be able to help. So, two weeks ago he said to me ‘oh my God, what will I do this year, I won’t have you to help me, how are we going to pick the coffee?’ He says, ‘I will lose half of it, because without you it will be difficult’. I help a lot, it’s half the day’s work. [...]. That’s how I see it, the work women do is 50% of the work in the fields. Because men do the heavy work, but in the fields... Everything is heavy, but women help a lot with the work, so if the woman doesn’t go to the fields, its half the work (lost)... (oral history)17.

That’s how I see it, in terms of planning, women are far more organized than men. So much so that men go out to the fields, they go there, and they uncover the coffee, they stay there. The women, they sort out the water, sort out lunch, sometimes they sort out the machine, the sieves, the bags, it’s all there sorted out ready for them. Less time is lost when women go to the fields. At home, it’s like this, when I go, we leave at seven-thirty, eight. When I don’t go, he leaves at nine-thirty, ten... (she laughs). Because, until everything is done... So, as I said, we help a lot in the fields (oral history)18.

Women encourage their husbands, just by being there, in the fields. Because my husband works with his brother, so we go together, myself, my sister-in-law and the two of them. When there are days both of us don’t go, they say ‘God, if you had come, we would have finished it (oral history)19.

Women encourage the men. Because, my own husband tells me that if he is alone he will do nothing, so if I or my daughters don’t help him, the work does not get done. So, we are there to help him (oral history)20.

In their own words, “women make the difference”, “not only in the fields, but at home, on the terrace”21. That is, their work is just an essential part of coffee growing, as it is for the sustenance of the family farm as a whole. Interviewees even cite the example of a family of coffee-growers where the husband stopped participating in the association, because his wife would not involve herself with this activity. According to them, he said: “I even left the group because my wife doesn’t even help me turn the coffee on the terrace, and I can’t do it alone”22.

When making a comparison between the importance of women’s work in coffee growing, previously and now, our respondents noticed that if, on the one hand, the physical effort women made previously was greater, on the other, they are now more involved in decision-making regarding the smallholding.

[...] Before, men did not ask the women anything, right? Now they do. In the old days, women worked, they could do anything, we could say that her work was important, but not her opinion. This is no longer the case, today I don’t see it like this. Many of them speak, they have attitude. Even if it is the man that decides, he always asks the woman her opinion (oral history)23.

So, this is how I see it, things have changed, for men nowadays (different from how it was before), before they never asked a woman’s opinion. Today, most men here, although it’s their decision, they do ask women, this was not the case, 15, 20 years ago. Women were only there to look after the house (oral history)24.

Nowadays, women participate more, not just in the work itself, I think perhaps they do less work. The impression I have is that there is less work, but today, in terms of decisions, women have more of a voice than before (oral history)25.

Despite growing participation in decision-making, an observation made by many women, the general opinion is that most decisions are taken by the man/husband. They see that, often, despite giving their opinions, the man’s wishes would prevail, especially in issues related to sales.

Specific training for women

Women have sought to train and taken advantage of the opportunities that emerge, for example, from the services provided by the Coffee Women’s Project. This programme provides specific training for women. Topics include planting, crop management, harvesting, processing, classifying/tasting (Figure 7), coffee sales and property management. The project also encourages the organization of women into groups or by districts.

I have learned a lot in the last three years with the Coffee Women’s Project. I learned how to thin buds, use fertilization appropriately, apply chemicals to control pests and diseases, harvest procedures, separate the production and I have also made friends during the meetings. I’ve even gone to Londrina, for a week, to Iapar (Agricultural Research Institute of Paraná), to learn about coffee tasting (oral history)26.

Figure 7. Coffee Women on a training course on coffee classification and tasting, at the Agricultural Research Institute of Paraná (Iapar), Londrina, 2015.

Photo: Luciana Soares de Morais

Final considerations

Women are present at all stages of coffee production in family farms in the Norte Pioneiro, more or less intensively, depending on the coffee cycle and the activity. The work performed by women is crucial for family coffee growing. As well as being part of the workforce, women organize the activities and maintain the family motivated for work.

The new generations, their sons and daughters, are still interested in cultivating coffee and want to remain in this sector. However, there is one question that needs to be further developed in a second phase of this research: would coffee still be an option and opportunity for young people, boys and girls, in these communities?

There is one thing, however, about which the women have no doubts: their work is essential for coffee-growing. Whether they are working alongside men (husband/father/brother/others) as equals in the field, on the terrace or contributing to the organization of the work and gradually becoming involved in the decision-making and management of the property, women are breaking the barriers of invisibility and their work is being recognized.

References

BRASIL. Lei nº 11.326, de 24 de julho de 2006. Estabelece as diretrizes para a formulação da Política Nacional da Agricultura Familiar e Empreendimentos Familiares Rurais. Diário Oficial da União, 25 jul. 2006.

INSTITUTO PARANAENSE DE DESENVOLVIMENTO ECONOMICO E SOCIAL. Diagnóstico sócioeconômico do Território Norte Pioneiro. Curitiba: Ipardes, 2007.

MUSSALAM, R. Norte Pioneiro do Paraná: formação e crescimento através dos Censos. 1974. Dissertação (Mestrado em História Demográfica) – Universidade Federal do Paraná, Curitiba.

PERFIL territorial: Norte pioneiro – PR. 2015. Available at: <http://sit.mda.gov.br/download/caderno/caderno_territorial_146_Norte%20Pioneiro%20-%20PR.pdf>. Access on: 28 July 2017.

SILVA, S. L. M. Os programas de reordenamento fundiário no território da cidadania integração norte pioneiro: um estudo de caso em Tomazina. 2012. 110 f. Dissertação (Mestrado em Políticas Públicas) – Universidade Estadual de Maringá, Maringá.

Notes

1 Family coffee grower, Matão group, Municipality of Tomazina, PR, oral history obtained by the authors in an interview in 2017.

2 Idem

3 Idem

4 Idem

5 Idem

6 Idem

7 Idem

8 Idem

9 Idem

10 Idem

11 Idem

12 Idem

13 Idem

14 Idem

15 Idem

16 Idem

17 Idem

18 Idem

19 Idem

20 Idem

21 Idem

22 Idem

23 Idem

24 Idem

25 Idem

26 Idem

Left coffee beanChapter 12Right coffee bean

Memoirs of a woman coffee worker from the north of Paraná State, Brazil (1950-2017)

Patricia Helena Santoro

Aryane Kovacs Fernandes

Taiane Vanessa da Silva

Introduction

From its rise to its decline, the cycle of coffee (Coffea arabica L.) has contributed significantly to the social and economic development of Paraná State, transforming undeveloped areas into large urban centres. According to Pozzobon (2006), there would have been no progress in Paraná without the cooperation of women in the coffee sector, though this may have cost them premature ageing and left them illiterate. For those who worked in the fields, the same determination was demanded of them as of men in addition to the work they were expected to do at home, taking care of all the domestic chores and looking after the children. Some women also worked as pickers and sorters, separating the spoiled cherries by hand in order to supplement the household income. Yet, despite all their contributions, women have received almost no recognition for their work. In the social perception of the time, women were simply described as the “queen” or “angel” of the home, or the “family’s moral compass”.

Who were these women? How many were there? What did they do? What did they think? What was the importance of the roles they played in the coffee sector? No answers can be found to these questions in the history books. Women have always remained in the shadow of the historical events that took place in Paraná State’s significant coffee sector. Thus, with the objective of showing that women played an important role in the history of coffee, the account of a woman coffee grower who lived through it all is presented below.

Paraná: a sea of coffee

Paraná was once the world’s largest coffee-producing state, where the crop occupied a vast territorial expanse and was known as the “sea of coffee”. However, over the 20th century, the State has experienced a rise and decline of its coffee industry (Priori et al., 2012). The São Paulo State coffee barons reached Paraná at the end of the 19th century. In this border state, the growers found fertile lands, railways to transport the product and political incentives (Cancian, 1981; Priori et al., 2012). Another factor that contributed to the intensification of coffee growing in Paraná was the Taubaté Accord, signed in 1906 between São Paulo, Rio de Janeiro and Minas Gerais, prohibiting the planting of coffee for a period of 5 years in the member states, as a measure to restore the balance between coffee supply and demand (Pozzobon, 2006).

In the 1920s and 1930s, the first companies installed themselves in the northern region of the State, while small family farms also sprang up. This attracted thousands of European immigrants and Brazilians from other states. They all had a dream of buying their plots and growing coffee. In turn, the cities developed, and production increased, making Paraná Brazil’s main agricultural frontier. With the end of World War II, the economy stabilized and the demand for coffee grew, bringing incentives for new growers (Priori et al., 2012).

The rapid growth of the coffee industry in Paraná led to an increase in the total cultivated area, from 300,000 hectares, in 1951, to 1.6 million hectares by 1962. That year, 21.3 million bags (weighing 60 kg each) were harvested, the equivalent of 28% of the world’s coffee production (Paraná, 2003). However, shortly into the 1960s, policies were introduced to limit coffee growing, especially in the states of Minas Gerais, São Paulo, Paraná, Rio de Janeiro and Espírito Santo, as a way of controlling the supply of the product (Priori et al., 2012). Between 1962 and 1967, 307,000 hectares of coffee fields were eradicated from Paraná. This eradication programme, together with the frosts seen in 1963, 1966 and 1967, led to rural workers migrating to the cities, in addition to diversifying the use of arable land with the introduction of other crops (Carvalho, 1999).

In 1975, a widespread frost decimated Paraná’s coffee plants. At the time, the total area dedicated to coffee farming amounted to 942,000 hectares, resulting in 10.2 million (60 kg) bags – almost half of the country’s production. The following year, the coffee yield plunged by 99.96%, delivering a blow to the state’s economy (Queiroz, 2006). The majority of coffee growers chose to use the government incentives to diversify, substituting coffee with new crops (Priori et al., 2012). Others declared bankruptcy, left farming or the state altogether, with most going to Minas Gerais (Queiroz, 2006).

Coffee growing began to give way to annual crops and coffee production became concentrated in family farms (Hess, 2015). Despite efforts to recover coffee growing, the 1980s was marked by the remnants of that climate disaster, resulting in poor yields (Queiroz, 2006). Nevertheless, the recovery efforts continued and, in the early 1990s, the total area of planted coffee had returned to 1950s levels, at 430,000 hectares. Even so, low coffee prices continued to negatively affect the sector, and this led many to stop producing coffee or poor land management. The results were low yields and falling product quality. A deep crisis overtook the industry in 1992, when production costs outstripped the price of this commodity and eradication policies were reinstated (Paraná, 2003).

Later that year, in order to avoid the total extinction of coffee growing in Paraná, the state administration embarked on a plan aimed at increasing productivity, reducing costs, encouraging the economic stability of farms and obtaining a significant volume of high quality coffee. The technologies developed by the Agriculture Research Institute of Paraná (Iapar), together with the support provided by the state’s Technical Assistance and Rural Outreach Agency (Emater), were essential to this process. Some of the strategies implemented were increasing crop density, using high-yield, rust-resistant varieties and employing a cloth to help harvest the cherries (Queiroz, 2006).

Despite these efforts, a heavy frost in 2000 struck another heavy blow against Paraná’s coffee growers. That year, yield dropped by 85% and, between 2001 and 2003, the total farmed area shrank to less than 135,000 hectares (Paraná, 2003). Clearly, the frosts contributed to areas used for growing coffee being replaced by annual crops. However, the falling availability of field labour and the lack of capital to invest in mechanization also accelerated this process.

In 2016, the total area given to coffee growing in Paraná was estimated at 46,160 hectares, with a yield of 22.68 bags per hectare and a total production of just over a million bags of coffee (Acompanhamento da Safra Brasileira de Café, 2016).

Memoirs of a woman coffee worker from the north of Paraná State (1950-2017)

According to Certeau (1998), people’s daily routines are made up of common, as well as inventive practices, which do not necessarily follow the standards set by political or institutional authorities and are based on intelligent readings of life and the world, resulting in interpretations and deviations. In this sense, we seek to show a woman’s work in the coffee fields and her daily life, with the aim of deconstructing the idea that women have played a secondary or unimportant role in history.

This account is based on an interview conducted in March 2017 with Otildes de Paula Budeu, a 72-year-old woman, and her recorded experiences. Otildes de Paula Budeu, migrated from the state of Minas Gerais and settled in Paraná. She worked in coffee fields between 1955 to 1975, oral history obtained by the authors through an interview conducted in 2017. The interview was recorded and stored under the title DVD513 in the oral sources section of the database at the Londrina History Museum, an institution that provides many tools for studying the history of the city of Londrina and the northern regions of Paraná State, from its Sound and Image section. We have also used photos from the museum’s archives that depict similar moments to those related in the interview, to compare images and accounts.

According to Alberti (2005, p. 163), narratives are not exclusive to the author, because they are “[...] capable of conveying a collective experience, a view of the world made possible in a particular historical and social setting”. These are, therefore, sources that, when combined with suitable bibliographic references, allow access to historical contexts and the point of view of social groups that are often missing from traditional historical accounts. In this chapter, we have maintained sections of transcribed material, word for word, but with brief explanatory notes added for a better understanding, in square brackets.

Regarding the photos, it is essential to bear in mind the context of the production in order to interpret the elements that compose the image and be able to read between the lines, as photographic reproductions are bearers of non-explicit meanings (Burke, 2004). The photos were analysed in the light of the objectives of this book, highlighting the role of women in the coffee fields, in order to avoid straying beyond the boundaries of the original concept. Even though they do not belong to the interviewee, the sources used were the archives of the Londrina History Museum, as mentioned above, the images are representative of her experiences.

In a society where the male figure is highly valued, especially during the 1950s, we must note the cover of A Pioneira magazine from its December 1951 issue, featuring an unidentified woman posing as if she was picking coffee cherries (Figure 1). Although the woman’s name is not given, this cover differs from all other editions, which featured men. The woman in this image is posing with her dark hair neatly arranged, wearing new clothes, a large hat and a smile on her face. The following page in the publication explains the cover and, below, is a section from that explanation:

Many other young women, just like this one, full of life and enthusiasm for work, also make up the considerable wealth of our land, because, in fact, without their participation and that of their families, the North of Paraná would not be the force it currently is in the lives of the state and the country (A Pioneira, 1951).

Figure 1. Cover of the A Pioneira magazine, 1951.

Source: A Pioneira (1951). Londrina History Museum archives. Scanned copy of the original magazine.

Otildes de Paula Budeu’s account shows the importance of women in the routine in the fields. Otildes was born in Minas Gerais, in 1945. Financial difficulties led to a decision by her father, Manoel, to move the family, consisting of his wife Cezarina and two daughters, Otildes and Mariana, to the city of Santa Mariana, in Paraná State. Manoel had always been a logger, with no experience of coffee growing. Thus, the family returned to Minas Gerais after a time. However, subsequently, the north of Paraná would beckon them again, as they had relatives there. So it was that, in 1955, they moved to the municipality of Uraí in the Serra Morena district (known today as Cruzeiro do Norte) and began to work on a rural property in which coffee was the main crop.

At the end of the 1950s, new work opportunities arose for the family in the neighbouring district of Warta, in Londrina. There, Otildes met her future husband, Waldomiro. Once married, as was the custom at the time, Otildes went to live with her husband’s family who were sharecroppers. She worked in the coffee fields for several years, leading a life based on three roles: housewife, field worker and seamstress during her “time off”. Shortly after her wedding, Otildes fell pregnant with her first daughter, who was followed by another two girls. In 1975, mainly due to a widespread frost that seriously damaged the region’s coffee plants, the family was forced to move to Cambé, a nearby town where they gradually lost their ties to coffee growing, as they left the rural area. Otildes is now a widow, retired and a housewife.

The memoirs of this interviewee are connected to the setting of northern Paraná in the 1950s, especially as regards the migration from Minas Gerais, driven by a search for a better life, as well as the importance of coffee farming in that process. According to Arias Neto (2008), one of the largest populations to move to the north of Paraná State in the 1940s and 1950s came from Minas Gerais (18%). Meanwhile, according to Leme (2013), during this period and with the end of World War II, the world coffee market stabilized and, as a result, coffee prices began to rise. Thus, the coffee business – which had suffered from the previous historical events – recovered, explaining the rapid growth experienced: “[…] over the 1940s and 1950s […] the population of northern Paraná […] grew from 345,600 to 1,000,000 inhabitants, representing a growth in the order of 189.35%” (Arias Neto, 2008, p. 100).

The colonato or sharecropping system

Within the context described above, Otildes’ family found the opportunity to improve their quality of life in the coffee fields of northern Paraná. However, this journey was far from easy journey, not based on luck but on hard work within the “colonato” or sharecropping system. According to Bassanezi (1986), after the abolition of slavery in Brazil, colonato, or sharecropping, became the new way of organizing and controlling agricultural activities, based on family units. This working arrangement ensured that landowners gained profitable contracts at reduced costs. When the head of a family signed the contract agreement, all the family members would be “hired” without being entitled to individual pay. The following section summarizes the dynamics of sharecropping, the payment, activities to be carried out and the landowners’ responsibilities:

The sharecropper would receive a fixed payment in money (or in kind) for tending to […] coffee plants […]. He or she would be entitled to a sum – also in money – proportional to the volume of coffee cherries harvested. According to the agreement, he or she should provide additional services to the owner, whether remunerated or not. The sharecropper was allowed to enjoy some of the fruits of his work and granted free accommodation. He or she was allowed to plant maize, beans and rice in a plot designated by the owner, maintain a small vegetable garden near their house, raise small animals and use the pasture for a few cows or horses. This independent production was not only responsible for the family’s sustenance but would also result in surplus production that could be sold [...] (Bassanezi, 1986, p. 8).

Otildes’s experiences matched this working arrangement over two periods of her life: before and after marriage. When questioned about her arrival in the north of Paraná and what it was like to live on the farm, still as a single woman, she replied:

We stayed at Serra Morena for five years, and there was coffee already. [...] We lived on my uncle’s smallholding. He was the owner and we worked for him, and they already had everything, there. They grew coffee, rice, beans, maize – they already had all that. We would run (the farm), it was a kind of sharecropping. We lived there, paid no rent on the house and worked as sharecroppers. So, we got paid to work, except that all the crops, everything we grew, it all belonged to the owner, none of it was ours (emphasis added).

Otildes refers to the work and accommodation from that time as something similar to some features of sharecropping. The accommodation was offered at no cost and the family was given responsibility for tending to the crops. However, they had no defined agreement in place or established shares of the harvest. As Otildes cites elsewhere in her interview, her father received a monthly wage to “run” the smallholding, but there were no contractual obligations and no other family members were paid for their work. In addition, the amount of land to grow their food was small and the family would often go hungry. Otildes’ contractual conditions changed after her marriage to Waldomiro, when she went to live in a farm near the Warta district. As she explains:

That was where I got married, [...] It was sharing, we received a bit of everything. But, the money from the coffee was only given out at the end of the year. When the coffee harvest ended, we would take our part and we would sell what was ours.

Her husband’s family had an agreement that included practically all the features of the sharecropping system. Payment was based on shares. The sharecroppers had the right to approximately 40% of the coffee harvest, which could be sold. In the interviewee’s opinion, also present in other parts of the interview, this system allowed for greater profits than her father’s monthly salary, even though payment was only made after the harvests. However, the greatest challenge was to make the money last all year round. Therefore, when they were paid, they would try to purchase everything they needed. In addition, they would sell or barter any surplus there were from their subsistence farming.

According to Arias Neto (1995), rural workers in 1950s Londrina, through the creation of the North Paraná Union of Sharecroppers and Wage-earners, began to demand the same rights as obtained by urban workers under the Consolidated Labour Laws (CLT) of 1943, from which sharecroppers’ agreements were exempt (these included a minimum wage, holidays and other benefits). During Getúlio Vargas Estado Novo, period, when the CLT were ratified, the Government wanted to avoid conflicts with rural oligarchs and “labour rights were not extended to the rural population, allowing for […] the continuation of the old relationships of exploitation – especially the sharecropping system” (Arias Neto, 2008, p. 52), which directly impacted on Otildes’ family.

As regards the spatial organization of ‘colônias’ (sharecropper settlements), landowners preferred to hire large families, because they, “[…] could better adapt to the working conditions; would look after a greater number of coffee plants and would reduce the need for a greater number of families and production costs” (Bassanezi, 1986, p. 9). Otildes’ husband fitted the bill, as he had several siblings, adding to his father’s workforce. However, these colônias, could also include a number of different families. According to the interviewee, the settlement in which she lived with her father, in the Serra Morena district, comprised a few wooden houses, similar to those seen in Figure 2 –photo taken in 1957 by Armínio Kaiser in the city of Paranacity, Paraná State.

Figure 2. A “colônia” in Ipiranga Farm, owned by the North Paraná Improvements Company, 1957. Estrada Funda, Paranacity. Author: Armínio Kaiser.

Source: Londrina History Museum Archives. Scanned copy of the original magazine.

Kaiser’s trademark is the coffee sector and the portrayal of coffee workers and aspects of coffee farming. This is understandable given he was an agronomist and employed by the Brazilian Coffee Institute (Muad, 2015). This photo shows a settlement that dialogues with various elements present in Otildes’ memories:

When we came here, the houses were all made of wood, there weren’t any houses made of brick. […] There were three other houses (on her uncle’s farm), apart from his, they were all made of wood […] they all lived there (the other hired families). Each one had a plot to farm.

In addition to the prevalence and the number of wooden houses, we can see manioc being peeled, which tallies with the interviewee’s account of her experience of subsistence farming. The photo also includes women at the window, looking out at what is happening outside. As we will see later in Otildes’ interview, the women were responsible for part of the work in the fields, as well as all the housework, so it is significant to see them indoors while the men and children were outside, engaged in other activities.

The work in the fields

Our focus, here, is a woman’s memories of her daily life. For Guarinello (2004, p. 21), “[...] the increasing interest in the history of daily lives reflects a new way of looking at individuals, their actions and their place in history”. According to the author, events take place in time, during the day and over the sequence of days; soon, the day is understood as a product of daily life. Here, daily life is identified in the temporal scope, where one can find permanence as well as changes to work practices relating to cultural, social, economic and political issues. Sudden moments are incorporated, as are those that are continuous, intense, transformative and repetitive.

Pozzobon (2006) summarized the daily life of large families in rural areas by the substandard conditions of the roads and transport, homes and utensils, the long days of work and other elements. He points to the basic diet comprising rice, beans and pork, in addition to corn, fruit, greens, eggs, lard, milk and coffee, all home grown. For clothes, he identifies denim and sacking as the materials used by the women to clothe their families. As for the tools normally used in the fields, these are hatchets, scythes, hoes, planters and rice cutters. We would add sieves and rakes, which can be seen in the hands of the workers in Figure 3. This image represents the working environment out in the fields, during the coffee harvest. We can see the dirt track, tools and large coffee shrubs towering over the workers: men, women, children and even a dog, who could even all be from the same family.

Figure 3. Workers during the coffee harvest, June 1954. Bulle Farm, Londrina. Author: unknown.

Source: Brazilian Coffee Institute Collection. Archives: Londrina History Museum. Scanned copy of the original magazine.

According to Otildes, the children would help considerably, harvesting the cherries and then moving in under the branches to clean the trunk and rake, a job they were better suited to than adults because of their diminutive stature. She also recounted how, when she was a child, this was a chore she disliked, because she found it hard and it made her angry, but it had to be done anyway. However, these activities did not impede the fun and games. As a mother, she remembers taking her daughters, even when they were infants, to the farm, leaving them near the coffee plants, where they would then play, as well as occasionally fight.

The harvest would begin when the majority of the cherries were ripe: “the cherries would be stripped together with leaves and twigs onto cloths that the coffee pickers would then cleaned using sieves made specifically to leave behind only the cherries” (Nixdorf, 1954, p. 93). Taking a closer look, we can see that the rakes are in the hands of the men, with a couple of sieves in front of the two boys near the centre, one of whom is barefoot, and a third sieve resting against a woman on the other side of the track. However, according to Otildes, men and women performed the same roles in the fields. She repeated this several times and described the activities carried out by both sexes.

[...] they were the same (women’s and men’s roles). Some men didn’t even know how to strip the coffee, they’d rake, and the women would sieve. [...] He (the father) couldn’t even carry the coffee bags, because of his bad back. So, for us to be able to take it to the track, where we would bag it […], we (her and her sister) had to split it up, they were big bags, 60 kilos, so we had to put a bit in each and take them. I would take one half and Coda the other. We’d get to the track, then pour it all into one bag. [...] It was hard, you really had to put your back into it. [...] And we had to harvest the maize, too. In the middle of the coffee, we planted maize, rice, beans; we had to harvest all that.

Note that the work carried out in the coffee fields and subsistence farming was done by both men and women. In the case of Otildes and probably many other women at the time, women’s roles were not irrelevant or simply complementary – they were essential to the dynamics of the coffee growing process. Even if they had to split the mass of a coffee bag between two, the bulk of the work was carried out equally. Otildes would often have to take on her husband’s job too, when he was unable to work, mainly because he suffered from alcoholism.

Returning to the photo, although the image is black and white, it is possible to see that the majority of the clothes are lighter in tone and featured long sleeves, in order to provide a measure of protection from the sun. It is likely that the same reason justified the use of hats. In Figure 4 – a photo from 1954 taken at a farm in Jaguapitã, Paraná State – we can see part of a woman’s clothes in more detail. Possibly this photo was not taken spontaneously while the woman was actually working, but demonstrates the correct garments to wear and way to hold the branch when stripping coffee cherries. Without gloves or other means to protect her hands, she has a look of concentration on her face as she harvests the coffee by sliding her hands down the branches, making the cherries fall onto a cloth laid out underneath. According to Nixdorf (1954, p. 93), stripping has to be done with care, “[...] in order not to strip too many leaves with the cherries and to avoid damaging the buds for the next flowering, as these are already at their first stage of development”.

Figure 4. Stripping coffee, June 1954. Maragogipe Farm, Jaguapitã, Paraná. Author: unknown.

Source: Brazilian Coffee Institute Collection. Archives: Londrina History Museum. Scanned copy of the original magazine.

Her clothes, as mentioned above, match Otildes’ description, who compared them to the clothes used by Japanese immigrants in Brazil.

In those times, we used the same (clothes) as the Japanese. They would wear sleeves and there was an elastic band up here (on the shoulder) and here (on the hands), something you could stick your fingers through. And down, here, too, they’d make legs. We used dresses and would make trouser legs up to here (on the thighs) with the elastic band […]. Then, you’d put a headscarf on your head and then a hat, that really big type of hat.

The two images shown date from 1954, the same period when Otildes worked in the fields, marked by physical labour.

First, we would prepare the soil, properly, for planting. Then, you’d look after them until they’re ready, right? […] Then, you have to harvest it all. In those days, you harvested everything by hand, there weren’t any machines or anything. Tilling was done with those ploughs pulled by horses while the men would push them from behind. I didn’t do that, but Cida, my sister, she did it after she got married (oral history).

Planting was done using a tool used to make a hole in the ground for the seedlings. Regarding this stage, Otildes recalled: “They come in little bags, like garbage bags, but little, the seedlings come in those. Then, you have to make the holes and plant them, then you have put wooden stakes around the seedlings to protect them. So, there was a lot of work, because of all that”. She says that, after a long time growing, came the harvest, drying and bagging.

According to Nixdorf (1954, p. 97), “drying when the weather holds is easy, it is over in a few days. Drying when it’s raining is an art”. This is because drying took place on open terraces, in the open air, letting the sun shine down on the cherries, which would be turned as often as possible with the rakes and piled up at the end of the day. Figure 5 shows a terrace in the middle of the forest and, in the background, tall jungle – a very common landscape in the 1940s around Londrina and present-day Cambé, then known as Nova Dantzig. On the terrace is a large family organized by tasks (raking and piling the coffee cherries) with their tools (rakes) in hand, and tidy clothing, specially for the photo. The photographer, José Juliani, was hired by the North Paraná Land Company which wanted to record the region’s development and advertise its lands.

Figure 5. Coffee on the terrace, 1940s. Cambé, Paraná. Author: José Juliani.

Source: Londrina History Museum Collection. Scanned copy of the original magazine.

Otildes’s account is similar to what we see in the picture:

On those big terraces, with cement floors, that is, where we would dry the coffee, there, until it could be bagged and sold. [...] The sun would dry it out [...] You have to keep moving them about, now and again we would go there to move them with the rake [...] You finish and then go back to where you started. In the afternoon, you’d have to pile them all up again. You pile them up, cover them with a tarp and then open them up again in the morning.

According to Otildes, the dried coffee would go to a large wooden storehouse – “like a room in a house” – which was used to store the coffee. Then, she continued, “to bag the coffee so it could be sold, there was a tin spout, like this, that came out of the storehouse, straight into the bag. One person would stay there, just filling up the bags and handing them to someone else”. Into the bags, along with the coffee, went pebbles and other debris. To sew up the bags, both women and men used string and “big needles”. Next, the truck would collect the bags and the sharecroppers, just like the landowner, could sell their share to supplement their incomes.

Women’s double shift (outside and inside the home) is something that still happens today. For Otildes, it was a “triple” work day. She would get up at 5 am, sort out the clothes and prepare the food for the day on the farm: lunch, milk for the children and snacks for the afternoon coffee. She would get the three children ready, because they would all go with them. When her husband was drunk, she would have to take on all the farm tasks, hers and his, too. She would carry the beans, break the maize with her hands, which hurt, “(…) he would leave me working with the men, there in the farm, and go off to get drunk”. Otildes would get home and still have house chores waiting for her, such as washing clothes, dishes and getting water from the well. She would go to bed late and wake up early the next morning. The “triple” work day refers to the fact she also took on seamstress jobs, for her family and neighbours, when needed, for which she was sometimes paid.

In general, the description given by Otildes of her typical daily routine brings to light two important issues. In the fields, from soil preparation, through to drying and bagging, there were no gender distinctions in terms of work, with women performing the same tasks as men. However, once home, there is a difference in the workload. The domestic tasks, essential to a family’s work routine – no work would get done in the fields if the clothes were left unwashed and no food was put on the table, for example –, were performed only by women, a differentiation in which men assumed a privileged role in society thanks to the social climate at the time – a social construct. It is worth noting, however, that gender roles can change in societies and in time. This does not mean that “(…) we are already living in the best of worlds and that we do not need to do anything else to change the relationship between men and women in our daily lives” (Silva; Silva, 2009, p. 149).

Women and access to healthcare

In addition to the challenges presented by Otildes’ triple shift, described above, a lack of access to effective healthcare made it harder for women living in rural areas to improve their quality of life. She explained that, because of the absence of adequate transport, diseases were often treated by pharmacists. Pregnancy and childbirth were also complicated for Otildes, especially as, at her husband’s insistence, she had to work in the fields up to the last minute before giving birth to her youngest.

Nena (Otilde’s daughter) started coming in the middle of the fields, while I was still harvesting coffee. I couldn’t rake the cherries, so I started doing it by hand, as I didn’t have to bend down [...]suddenly, my waters broke, right in the middle of the coffee plants! [...]. They (some of the women on the farm) were midwives. There was a woman who was our family’s midwife. But, my sister-in-law’s baby wouldn’t come out, so she had to go to Bela Vista. She even had to go in the back of a truck, because we didn’t have a car [...] I needed an injection (on the birth of her third daughter) because I wasn’t feeling any pain [...], but the pain really didn’t come, I just pushed, and she was born. [...] She told us I had to have chicken soup, because I had lost a lot of blood [...].

The intense work routine had an impact on Otildes’ last pregnancy, putting the lives of both mother and child at risk. The considerable responsibilities taken on by women in the coffee fields were fulfilled at any cost, whether by necessity – work on the farms demanded as much manual labour as each family could muster – or by male imposition, in the form of the father or husband. In addition, the figure of the midwife shows another of the roles that some women took on in order to facilitate births in difficult conditions. The examples of Otildes’ sister-in-law, and the interviewee’s own childbirths indicate an absence of concern with women’s health and wellbeing. Whether through a lack of information or the conditions, or through submission to their husbands, many women had multiple pregnancies, increasing the risk of both infant and female mortality.

However, since the 1950s, contraceptive methods were introduced into the government plans of several nations, including Brazil, based on “(…) the theories of Malthus, which point out that rapid population growth can lead to a scarcity of the global food supply (…)” (Villela, 2000, p. 25). It was soon clear that the Government’s intentions were not steered by a desire to improve women’s health, but to control birth rates. Women, however, used contraceptives to ensure their reproduction rights. According to Otildes:

[...] we discovered (the contraceptive pill), but it was at the pharmacy. I asked if they really had this medicine to avoid getting pregnant and he (the pharmacist) said, “Yes, do you want it?” [...]. That was when I started taking it, otherwise I would have had a bunch of other children.

Otildes gained access to information about the contraceptive pill only at the end of the 1960s and states that, because of it, she was able to avoid having more children, unlike in many of the homes in the settlement where she lived. Thus, the notion “[…] of reproductive health seeks to break away from the idea of reproduction as a woman’s duty or destiny, repositioning it as a right” (Villela, 2000, p. 25, enphasis added).

Rural exodus

In the final part of the interview, Otildes addresses the consequences of her family’s rural exodus. According to her, the “black frost” of 1975 caused the owner of the farm where she lived to substitute all coffee plants with soy. This meant that there was employment for only one family. The others, including Otildes’ family, were replaced by machinery and, as a consequence, had to move to the town of Cambé, near Londrina.

Asked about the differences between life in the countryside and in the city, she said that the latter led to shorter working hours when compared to field labour, as well as the use of the television for Sunday entertainment. However, she also had to purchase more food in the city, as she could no longer grow most of her own produce, leading her to say, “there (on the farm) it was easier to raise the children and we had everything we needed”.

Otildes tells how, when moving to Cambé, her husband began working as a manual labourer in road building, but that only one income was not enough to support the family, which numbered eight. Soon, she found work commuting to another farm, until that property was turned into plots for housing. She then became a domestic worker, after searching for a position in the sewing industry and coming up against stiff competition in the labour market. Her earnings from domestic work ensured that her daughters could continue their schooling, although she had to work in four different homes, both in Cambé and Londrina, to achieve this. It is important to note that these issues are recorded in sections of the historiographic work of Mello and Novaes (1998). These authors argue that the influx of rural workers to the cities generally resulted in the men working as construction labourers and women as domestic workers.

The sudden changes that she faced thanks to the rural exodus add a sense and expression of longing to Otildes’ story. When she talks about the coffee they produced for their own use, we note a touch of nostalgia for the taste.

It tasted good, because you’re making nice, clean coffee, right? Our own coffee, with no bits of straw in it. Sometimes, you buy coffee and it tastes of burnt straw, not the taste of proper coffee. [...] Even when we moved here (Cambé), I brought coffee from the farm, to roast.

Otildes tried to maintain some of the habits she picked up in the settlement. She mentioned making bread at home, buying live, free range chickens and preparing them from scratch, eating bacon similar to that from the farm and making pamonha (a sweet snack made of ground maize) including shelling the cobs. She also misses not being able to roast coffee beans at home, because she lacks the tools.

Selected memories

Memory is not just about dates – they become consolidated, like a battlefield where interpretations of the past struggle against those of the present for the past, where identities, traditions, symbols, beliefs and life meanings are created, but also destroyed in order to inhibit or stimulate actions, regardless of whether these are individual or shared. Shared memory, based on images and landscapes, constantly recreates the facts according to the needs of individuals, because both voluntary and involuntary forgetfulness is important for interpreting memories. According to Guarinello (2004, p. 29):

Memory, whether individual or shared, is not a passive repository. It is an active, operational and vast cultural product. Memory is the material or idealized link between the past and the present that allows us to maintain our identities despite the flow of time; it allows us to add up our days in a way that has meaning. It is what lends sense to the present. It is essential for both individuals and society, or groups of individuals within it.

To end the interview, we asked whether there were any stories Otildes would like to put on the record. She then told two stories, amidst a fair amount of laughter. The first was about her boyfriends and her husband. When she was single, she liked living on the farm because of the number of eligible bachelors. Boys and girls would meet under the trees and play a game of passing a ring to each other and then kiss and hug. As entertainment there were dances every weekend, at the farm, as well as Sunday mass and parties. She was 15 at the time, but her dalliances never led to anything serious. With the mindset of the time, she recounts: “then, I stopped dating for a while and I was getting older”. Her father returned to Serra Morena, but she did not want to go back “old” and single, especially as she had a Japanese boyfriend there, who had asked her to elope with him to Rolândia and, in her own words, “silly me, I turned him down”. They never saw each other again. She began to date her future husband at the age of 16 – she did not refrain from dating for long – and wanted to elope with him because she did not want to go back with her father to Serra Morena still single. She laughed self-deprecatingly: “I didn’t elope with the Japanese boy, but I did with a different boyfriend”. They went to live in Londrina, at his aunt’s house. In conclusion, she summed up her marriage, with a feeling of having been exploited: “I chose really badly [...] He never hit me, but I worked my fingers to the bone at the farm”.

Her second story was about the fact that it took her two years to become pregnant after getting married. She told her story without any self-consciousness:

I had been married for a couple of years and wasn’t getting pregnant. There was a woman who picked coffee with us (a migrant from Brazil’s north-eastern region, who had several children) [...] and she had some children, her baby was the cutest thing. [...] She would leave the baby at the base of the coffee bush, after all, she has quite a few children, right? So, I said: ‘Won’t you give me one?’, and she replied: ‘Why do you want the baby? Don’t you have any?’ I told her I didn’t, and she asked: ‘But, aren’t you married?’ I said: ‘Yes, but I’ve been married two years and haven’t gotten pregnant, yet’. If she had wanted to give me the baby, I’d take her. Then, she said: ‘Well, if you want, I’ll talk with my husband. If you want, we can think about it’. I said: ‘If you give me her, she’ll be mine forever’. She went back saying they would think about it. While I was waiting for their answer, I got pregnant! (Laughs). The next month I was pregnant and had to say no to the baby [...] because she was only four months old, she was so little, right? But, it moved me, seeing that baby left lying there, under the coffee bush.

According to Certeau (1998), everyday life is not a place for oppression and social control, because, in their invisibility ordinary people have an incredible creativity and find room to go about their everyday affairs and, thus, subvert the rationale of power. Furthermore, the way Otildes deals with the situation when recounting the “near adoption” relates to the idea of childhood at that time, because, according to Silveira (2000 cited Castro, 2007), the value of a child within a community depends on the rights it has, and the interferences suffered over a certain period. As we saw in her account, children in the 1950s and 1960s worked and practices were different from those we know today.

Final considerations

For a long time, historical writing has prioritized male achievements, especially those related to political history. Great emphasis was placed on events that unfolded with male characters, based on official documentation and writings that were, in the vast majority of cases, written from the male point of view. However, over the course of the 20th century, the recording of history has undergone significant changes. It allows new approaches to a variety of themes and subjects through the analysis of a great variety of sources (based on images, oral and audio-visual recordings, among others). As a consequence, history can now go beyond a unilateral, male-dominated view of the world.

Furthermore, it is important to highlight the achievements of the feminist movement over the 1960s and 1970s – when many social movements fought for the democratization of rights. According to Silva and Silva (2009), women were for long treated from a naturalized point of view that took only biological issues into account concerning the relationship between them and their male counterparts. Nevertheless, since the 1980s, gender discussions have been based on the understanding that social constructs and cultures influence the way men and women are educated. These constructs legitimize a hierarchy in which men have a privileged position, while women’s social position is marked by submission to the male figure. However, women have not accepted this passively or peacefully. They fought for their rights, which has led to greater appreciation of women’s role in history. In other words:

[...] there is no immutable male or female essence, determined by biological characteristics. What we have are social and cultural constructs that result in men and women being educated to occupy distinct political and social positions in society. Generally, men tend attain higher hierarchical positions, while women remain in the less privileged ones. Thus, the concept of gender has much to do with the way that relationships of power between men and women are perceived (Silva; Silva, 2009, p. 166).

We could say that Otildes’ account allows us to visualize the time in which she worked in the coffee fields and the city, as well as her current context. According to Sarlo (2007), experience only emerges when it is remembered and narrated. It is captured in the present and depends on the intentions of the present time. Thus, the interviewee’s narrative revealed a mixture of many feelings. At times, her memories made her proud, realizing just how much she was able to do. At other times, she seemed happy to recall experiences with nostalgia. Sometimes irony emerged, especially when reliving how submissive she was at times to male figures. This shows that, today, thanks to the current climate, she no longer has to act in that way.

Generally speaking, Otildes’ experiences, together with the photos and references used in this chapter, tie in with the current gender debates on the role of women, socially constructed within power relations. The sources used also allow for an approach that makes daily life a background to history. The way in which women laboured in the coffee fields and towns, their intensive working days, domestic activities and the aspects relating to health and reproduction show that it is possible to access historical configurations through the daily lives of common people and, in this case, specifically women.

References

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Left coffee beanChapter 13Right coffee bean

The active role of women in family coffee farming: the case of Piatã and Abaíra, Chapada Diamantina, Bahia State, Brazil

Maria Salete Souza de Amorim

Lídia Maria Soares Cardel

Brígida Salgado

Lucylanne Oliveira da Silva

Maiara Maria de Jesus Santos

Fernanda Marques Correa

Introduction

Brazil has stood out in the international landscape as one of the main producers, consumers and exporters of coffee (Coffea arabica L.). According to a study published by the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics (IBGE) in 2016, the country’s coffee production was initially concentrated in the states of São Paulo and Paraná. Coffee production reached Minas Gerais and Espírito Santo from the beginning of the 1980s and continued its expansion toward the western Cerrado and south-central Bahia regions. Bahia State currently occupies fourth place in terms of Brazil’s coffee production. Worthy of note are the specialty and organic coffees produced in the micro-regions of Chapada Diamantina, with most coffee grown in family farms. Demand for specialty coffees, both in Brazil itself and the rest of the world, is increasing thanks to their high quality and the adoption of better, more sustainable agricultural practices.

Bahia State subdivided its regions into territories with the aim of capturing the specific cultural, socioeconomic, political and environmental characteristics of each local reality. The Chapada Diamantina Territory is located in the centre of Bahia and comprises 24 municipalities: Abaíra, Andaraí, Barra da Estiva, Boninal, Bonito, Ibicoara, Ibitiara, Iramaia, Iraquara, Itaetê, Jussiape, Lençóis, Marcionílio Souza, Morro do Chapéu, Mucugê, Nova Redenção, Novo Horizonte, Palmeiras, Piatã, Rio de Contas, Seabra, Souto Soares, Utinga and Wagner (Figure 1). This area is of significant environmental importance, encompassing water and natural resources, given its wealth of biodiversity and ecosystem services. Therefore, Conservation Units (CUs) were established as part of the environmental national policy instruments in compliance with Act 6.938/81 (Brazil, 1981). These units provide full protection, as is the case with the Chapada Diamantina National Park. Also created were Environmental Protection Areas (EPAs) and Areas of Significant Ecological Interest (ASEIs), which are intended for sustainable practices. The Nascentes do Rio de Contas ASEI, which encompasses the municipalities of Piatã and Abaíra, was established in 2001.

Figure 1. Chapada Diamantina Territory, Bahia, Brazil.

Source: Cooperativa de produtores orgânicos e biodinâmicos da Chapada Diamantina (2017).

This chapter addresses the context of coffee production in the municipalities of Piatã and Abaíra, as they are situated in an area of water springs and stand out for their specialty coffees. The favourable altitude and weather conditions of Piatã and the Catolés de Cima district of Abaíra, contribute to the high quality of coffee from this area. The aim here is to identify women’s roles and work in the coffee-growing process, which have been poorly recorded and recognized at both local and national level. Piatã’s and Abaíra’s high quality coffee is also partly due to the efforts and dedication of women in the planting, harvesting and the post-harvesting processes. Based on the memories and life histories of women coffee growers and pickers from these two municipalities, we outline the importance they have in family farming, where the most common crops are coffee, sugar cane (Saccharum officinarum L.), beans (Phaseolus vulgaris L.), maize (Zea mays), manioc (Manihot esculenta) and fruit and vegetables.

It is undeniable that women have an important function in family farming and have always participated in a series of production activities, including agriculture, extraction, fishing and industrial processing, resulting in revenue generation and ensuring subsistence farming (Junca et al., 2005; Schefler, 2007). Concerned with environmental management, women adopt agroecological practices, reproduce and share native seeds and sell excess produce at open fairs for rural producers, as can be seen in Abaíra and Piatã.

The research was carried out between 2015 and 2017, leading to a survey of the socioeconomic data for the municipalities of Piatã and Abaíra. It also provided information on the local situation and direct contact with women coffee growers and pickers. Preparatory meetings were held regarding the proposal by the International Women’s Coffee Alliance (IWCA Brazil) to promote greater visibility of women involved in coffee production. The women of the region who gave interviews (12 from Catolés de Cima and 5 from Piatã) authorized the use of their names and photos.

Coffee growing in the Nascentes do Rio de Contas Asie: Piatã and Abaíra

The Chapada Diamantina area of Bahia State is of great environmental importance, given its wealth of freshwater and biodiversity, geodiversity and ecosystem services. The Piatã region contains many water sources and natural monuments, such as the Três Morros and Serra da Tromba mountains, which are part of the Nascentes do Rio de Contas ASEI, where sustainable practices are authorized. It is in the Piatã mountain range that you can also find the watershed for three river basins: the Contas, Paraguaçu and São Francisco rivers. These water sources are part of the cultural and intangible heritage of the people of Chapada Diamantina. The municipality of Piatã, with an estimated population of 18,366 inhabitants (A geografia…, 2016) – of which 58% live in rural areas – is known nationally and internationally for its coffee production, as its favourable altitude and weather conditions contribute to the growing and exporting of specialty coffees. Furthermore, the weather conditions of Catolés de Cima district, in Abaíra, together with sustainable management practices, contribute to the production of organic coffee that is sold to several Brazilian states and exported to the US and Australia, among others. Thus, we can see that family farming, a characteristic of these areas, stands out because of its diversified production and efforts toward socio-environmental sustainability (Amorim et al., 2016).

The terrain of the Chapada Diamantina landscape features geographical characteristics that are incompatible with mechanized farming methods. The quantitative difference is significant. For example, the municipality of Mucugê, where mechanized, mass production methods and agrochemicals are used, produces 3,000 tonnes/hectare, compared to 400 tonnes/hectare in the family farms of Abaíra and Piatã. However, this also indicates that high quality coffee involves methods where the less mechanized work of family growers results in a unique terroir.

The women of Santa Bárbara (Piatã): from field to coffee cup

The municipality of Piatã has won many international coffee production awards over the past few years. Since 2000, the Brazil Specialty Coffee Association has held a competition for the highest quality arabica coffee open to all the country’s producers. In 2016, the winner of the Cup of Excellence for the Pulped Naturals category was awarded to José Joaquim Oliveira, of the Santa Bárbara farm, while second place went to Anastácio José de Novais, of the Sítio Terra Santa, a smallholding owned by the Santa Bárbara farm. The price per bag reached US$ 5,469.96 at auction. Of all the winners in the Pulped Naturals category (24 were selected, scoring between 91.66 and 86.16), the majority (79%) were from Piatã.

Santa Bárbara is one of the largest coffee-producing communities of family farms in Piatã (see Table 1). Although no women’s names appear on the list of winners at the competitions, they have always contributed directly and decisively to these awards. They are closely involved in the coffee production chain, from planting to harvesting and beyond. According to the accounts by Laurita Assunção and her daughters, who live at Santa Bárbara farm, in addition to participating throughout the coffee-growing process, the women also select the finest beans and prepare the samples for the competitions. This post-harvest stage is what ensures the quality of Piatã’s specialty coffees, resulting in these awards.

Table 1. Main coffee producing communities in Piatã Municipality, Bahia State.

Rural Community

Number of Producers

Santa Bárbara

30

Cafundó

20

Ressaca

20

Gerais

15

São Francisco

12

Malhada de Areia

7

Total

104

Laurita Assunção (56 years old) and her daughters Ana Cássia, Gleice, Rose and Alane, who represent the third generation working with coffee at Sant Bárbara farm, agreed to participate in the study and tell their stories of their relationship with coffee. They said that, according to accounts from the older members of the community, around the end of the 19th century Clitéria Marta de Jesus sold the smallholding on the outskirts of Piatã, where she raised cattle, to José Martins de Oliveira (of Nagô-Yoruba West African heritage), Laurita’s great-grandfather. He gave Santa Bárbara its name based on his devotion to the saint, the protector against lightning and storms. Over the years Santa Bárbara evolved into a community.

José Martins Oliveira married Maria Liberata Alves Filha, from Rio São Francisco, while Manoel José de Assunção, from Ribeirão and of indigenous (Tapuia) descent, married Maria Liberata’s sister, Ana Januária Alves. There is, therefore, an interesting mix of African and indigenous heritage at the locality.

In 1966, when Laurita Assunção was only 5 years old, her father worked as a sharecropper on the coffee farm. During the harvest, the whole family would get up and leave the house every day with a wicker hamper on their backs to collect the cherries. These were then transferred to wooden boxes, each containing two 18- litre tins (Figure 2A). At the time, payment was made per acre picked, which included the cost of animal-based transportation. The coffee was stored for about 3 days to ferment, Laurita recounts, after which it was dried and hulled underfoot using a wooden mortar (Figure 2B). The buyers would come from Ibipitanga, in Bahia State, and take away the bags of coffee using pack animals. This practice of fermentation has been reintroduced by some producers, who experiment with their own fermentation processes to achieve a better cup of coffee.

Figure 2. Wooden box which held two 18- litre tins of coffee cherries (A); wooden mortar (B). Tools used during the 1960s at Santa Bárbara, Piatã, Bahia.

Photos: Brígida Salgado

According to Laurita’s narrative, women had – and still have – an important role in the harvest and post-harvest processes, especially in the selection of the finest beans:

A lot of women would sit, and he (the owner) would pay people to pick out all those little black ones. You couldn’t leave a single one in, he would go through it all… There were women for going through that coffee, removing all the aged, white ones, the black ones, separating it all; all that sorted coffee would be sold. And the white and black ones he would give to the neighbours who needed them, so they could roast them and drink it… It was fun to sort coffee. It was really good1.

Laurita recalled how, at the end of the 1970s, the first person to plant catuaí coffee at the Santa Bárbara farm was her father-in-law, Lindolfo. Over time, the wooden boxes were replaced by tins, which became the new units of measurement when paying the pickers. According to her, “when picking, you had to pick each cherry to make sure you didn’t pull off any stems. They all had to be ripe, you couldn’t pick green cherries”2. Laurita said she often worked alongside her husband in all the coffee production stages, from planting, through weeding, to harvesting.

Laurita’s daughters, who are now all married and have children of their own, said that coffee is very important to them, because it is a part of their lives. They grew up amidst the fields, playing and helping with the work. Ana Cássia recounts:

Since the times of my grandfather, we would go to the farm with him when we were really little, to help with the weeding. He would get us some small hoes, so we could weed. He made some small wicker baskets and, when it was picking time, we’d get those baskets and go to the fields to get the coffee. When they were full… It was lovely, lots of coffee3.

According to Ana Cássia, the farm was fun, because they could play as much as they liked, and they always went to school (all of them finished high school). Gleice remembers that, due to the fall in coffee prices, their father went to São Paulo to find work, while Laurita took over the coffee farming responsibilities for a time, on her own – albeit always with her daughters’ help. When the father returned, the daughters were older and helping with planting the seedlings, weeding and fertilizing. Even now, after marrying, they still work together in the coffee fields.

In addition to Santa Bárbara’s coffee being renowned in the region and winning international awards, the Assunção family is sought out for their coffee roasting equipment. When Eloísio’s and Laurita’s daughters tell this story, they make special mention of their father’s ingenuity. It all started with manual roasting, a “ball roaster” the father made. He would roast a bit of coffee and they were tasked with packing and sealing it with wax. As demand increased, their father built another roaster, this time with a bigger drum and powered by electricity. The coffee still tasted the same: very good, according to Rose. Today, they have an industrial coffee roaster and a coffee packing machine – and demand is still growing.

In 2013, Ana Cássia participated in the Coffee Classification and Tasting course which used SCAA/BSCA methodology, promoted by the IWCA Brazil in partnership with the Chapada Diamantina Cooperative of Organic and Biodynamic Producers (Cooperbio), the Coffee Academy and the Itaipu Binacional. The course was delivered to a group of 12 women family farm coffee growers (Figure 3).

Figure 3. Classification course (A); taste testing coffee (B), Piatã, Bahia.

Photos: Bruno Souza

Ana Cássia believes the course gave her the opportunity to contribute to her brother-in-law winning second place in the 2016 Cup of Excellence, Pulped Naturals category, because she personally selected and prepared the samples.

Talking with the women who participated in this course, we note that almost all of them are coffee producers alongside their husbands and have actively participated in the sample selection process. Some of them have also won several awards (Figure 4).

Figure 4. Coffee Classification and Tasting Course, Piatã, Bahia, 2013. The arrows identify the women whose coffee won awards or was highly ranked in the competitions sponsored by the Brazil Specialty Coffee Association (BSCA).

Photo: Bruno Souza

Laurita’s daughters recalled that the 2016 Brazil Specialty Coffee Association competition was held in Paraná, and coffee producer Anastácio José de Novais (Alane’s husband) registered on the last day of the deadline because of the women’s insistence that the samples were properly prepared and posted in time. On the day of the final results, when Anastácio José de Novais called with the news that he had won second place in the Pulped Naturals category, they were delighted.

Ana Cássia and her sisters pointed out that the merit for this award is also down to the work of Alane (the winning coffee producer’s wife) as, in addition to planting, fertilizing and harvesting, she marks out the tins and organizes the pickers and their pay. In other words, the women growers of Piatã are involved in every step of the coffee production chain.

The women of Catolés de Cima (Abaíra): organic coffee production

Growing coffee, in addition to being internationally competitive, requires an extensive and specialized workforce from planting, through the specific care for an annual crop to the technical acuity in the harvesting and post harvesting process. We have sought to focus on the importance of women and the role they play in a business where, for a family farm to be competitive in quality, it must rely on the knowhow and work of women and children. As mentioned by the women of Piatã and Abaíra, child labour in family farms is not regarded as exploitation, but rather as a learning process that starts as early as possible and continues throughout adulthood. Knowhow acquired in the family farm cannot be classed as exploitation in the capitalist sense, because it is a process in which the individual participates since childhood, starting with a few hours a day. It is an evolving process of activities to learn how to deal with the land, with growing, the delicate care coffee requires and reading a landscape, that together translates into becoming a professional coffee grower. High quality coffee needs to be picked by hand, not harvested by machines, which means that it is dependent on dexterity and having a good eye during the growing process. Care is needed when flowering and ripening occurs, to prevent and protect against pests, when weeding between the plants and when manually harvesting. Women are specialized pickers. The value-adding process starts with the picking, that turns coffee into the “black gold”, as it has been known since the 20th century, or gourmet coffee, as it is currently called, to be sold in coffee shops across the world in “microlots” with certificates of origin and refinement established by highly trained baristas.

In this section, we look at the work done by women in coffee production at Catolés de Cima, Abaíra Municipality, with its exceptional organic coffees. During an interview on Programa Rural Contemporâneo (a television show on current rural practices, shown on the NBR Brazilian channel), aired in 2015, Selmí Jardim and her husband Florisvaldo, portrayed their farm as “a slice of Paradise”. They emphasized the diversified organic production across their 50 hectares (coffee, bananas, beans, vegetables, fish production), although coffee is their main crop. Florisvaldo is one of the member producers of Cooperbio, which currently includes 20 coffee growers from the municipalities of Abaíra, Seabra and Piatã, all of which have organic certification.

It is worth noting that Cooperbio’s president is a woman, Brígida Salgado, the owner of the Flor do Café farm, in Piatã. She told us how, on arriving in Chapada Diamantina, 18 years ago, she faced two main difficulties: being a woman coffee grower (rare in this region) and her proposal for growing organic coffee, about which there was little technical information available at the time. When she acquired the farm, it already had 27 hectares of coffee plants. Today, this area has been reduced to two hectares due to the lack of funding for organic production and other difficulties. It may be a reduction in quantity, but not in quality, Brígida claims.

At the beginning of 2000, Brígida contacted the producers of Catolés de Cima and realized that they were using ecologically sound agricultural practices for their coffee production, which had been passed down through the generations (Siliprandi, 2015). Coffee prices were falling, which motivated the founding of a group of producers from Piatã and Catolés de Cima to discuss the production of organic and specialty coffees, precisely because they could stand out for their quality and thus fetch better prices. Another group from Seabra then joined, bringing with them environmental concerns and the practice of shade-grown coffee production, acquired through first-hand experience in the state of Ceará. Brígida recounts that, in addition to technical visits to Sul de Minas and the Serra do Baturité, in Ceará State, the group invited Raquel Soraggi from the Brazilian Biodynamic Association to give a lecture. This led to a project for the certification of organic coffees by the Ministry for Agricultural Development in 2003. In other words, even before the creation of Cooperbio, the producers had been awarded their first certification.

Cooperbio was founded in 2007/2008 with the aim of collectively commercializing organic arabica coffee within both the domestic market (coffee shops and stores specializing in organic products) and abroad (Figure 5).

Figure 5. Roasted and ground coffee from Cooperbio, Piatã, Bahia State.

Photo: Dinho Souto/ASCOM SEAD

As with any other cooperative, Cooperbio faced its share of difficulties and hurdles, but thanks to its partnerships and successfully approved projects, it continues to be active. One such example is the agreement signed with the Inter-American Foundation (IAF) aimed at structuring Cooperbio’s management model so that it can become a point of reference for the Chapada Diamantina region. The proposed changes include everything from providing rural technical assistance to industrial production, including the installation of a roaster in partnership with the Lagoa da Boa Vista Association. Moreover, the goal for the next few years is the inclusion of women into Cooperbio.

At some meetings, the women, the wives of member growers, recounted how they did not feel part of the cooperative. Thus, the First Meeting of the Chapada Diamantina Coffee Women was held in 2015. Later, on May 20th, 2017, there was a Cooperative Family get-together, taking advantage of Mother’s Day celebrations, aimed at forming a Cooperbio Council of Women so that they would be, and feel, included in the cooperative’s decision-making processes. Cooperbio has also held courses in Piatã, Seabra and Abaíra to foster the empowerment of these women. The Coffee Classification and Tasting course, held in Piatã in 2013, and in Seabra and Abaíra (Catolés de Cima) in 2016, led by master coffee roaster Eystein Veflingstad and agronomist Fábio L. Martins Neto, addressed the harvesting and post harvesting processes in terms of their impact on beverage quality.

Of the 12 women coffee growers from Catolés de Cima who participated in this study, seven are wives of Cooperbio member producers. Women’s importance in coffee production was widely discussed, who recounted their wealth of experience. Table 2 shows the socioeconomic profiles of respondents.

Table 2. Catolés de Cima Coffee Women, Abaíra, Bahia State. Source: Questionnaire used by the authors, September 2016.

Age

Education

Income

Producer

Picker

E1

81

Illiterate

1 x minimum wage

Yes

No

E2

68

Illiterate

1 x minimum wage

Yes

Yes

E3

65

Illiterate

1 x minimum wage

Yes

No

E4

63

Primary school (incomplete)

1 x minimum wage

Yes

Yes

E5

60

Primary school (incomplete)

1 x minimum wage

Yes

Yes

E6

58

Illiterate

1 x minimum wage

Yes

No

E7

54

Primary school (incomplete)

Less than 1 x minimum wage

Yes

Yes

E8

29

Primary school (incomplete)

Less than 1 x minimum wage

No

Yes

E9

26

Secondary school (incomplete)

None

No

Yes

E10

24

Primary school (incomplete)

Less than 1 x minimum wage (Family Allowance)

No

Yes

E11

22

Secondary school (incomplete)

Less than 1 x minimum wage (Family Allowance)

No

Yes

E12

22

Secondary school (complete)

Less than 1 x minimum wage

No

Yes

The profile of the women surveyed reflects the profile of most women in the region, coffee growers and/or seasonal pickers. These agricultural workers tend to have a low level of formal education and low incomes. However, they have unparalleled knowledge and wisdom about the land and its assets, its climate and vegetation and the importance of environmental sustainability for the region. Practically everyone in their families works with coffee and has done so for generations, using organic agricultural methods. They are concerned with preserving nature and the responsible use of environmental resources as much as they are with quality of life. Below is an extract from interviewee E5 explaining the reasons why the majority of women like her were unable to progress further in their education:

Every year, I would miss two months of school because my mom would bring us all, here, to the farm to pick coffee. So, during that period, when we were picking coffee, we couldn’t go back to school, because it was too far. Nowadays, we have cars, right? Back then, it was all walking and the roads were bad. We didn’t have enough time to pick coffee and study, too...4

E5 grows her own coffee and has worked as a picker since she was a child. In the 2016 harvest, she recounted how she produced eight bags of coffee and, during the time in between harvests, she sells popsicles and her own handicrafts. This reveals how enterprising and creative these women are in generating income. She further stated:

Look, the coffee I grow is organic. The only thing I would like is for the price of coffee to go up, right? That coffee that takes so much effort to plant and harvest, to produce, I wish I could get slightly more for it5.

E1, who is E5’s mother and a retired agricultural worker, now aged 81, showed the importance of women’s work for family farms, whether they grow coffee or a variety of other crops. The organization into associations for agricultural production demonstrates the process of sustainability on which family farming is based. There is always a balance between subsistence farming and production for sale in local and regional markets. When questioned about women’s participation in the fields, this interviewee was emphatic:

It was necessary! And, when I was young, before I got married, things were hard, at my dad’s house; there were some poor women who needed to make money picking, so they’d make a little fire, stretch out an old mat on the ground and cushion it with a cloth and leave the baby, there, with another child to watch over it and a pan of beans on the fire, close by. I’d say, “But, what if the baby crawls away?” and she’d reply, “Ahh, the other one’s there to watch over them”. They’d cook the beans, there, right in the fields, so that, at noon, she and the kids would have something to eat. And the husband would be out, working in someone else’s farm. It was really tough.

Now, for us, thank God, my father was independent, he didn’t have to do that. We’d pick together with the pickers. But, if we wanted to say no, he didn’t force us. He’d call us, but wouldn’t force us, because we had a lot of cattle, horses, pigs; we’d slaughter five pigs at a time. It was lots of food at home. Not like it is now. And we’d grow everything, beans, rice, maize and manioc, sugar cane… Everyone worked on the coffee and on the rest of the produce (interview with Dalila, November 2016)6.

This account is emblematic, for it clearly demonstrates the importance of family farms and rural women’s productive activities. Amidst a variety of crops, coffee production stands out as the driver the region’s domestic economy. Among the women interviewed in Abaíra, it was possible to note that some picked coffee for E1’s family farm and are still doing so – although they are now organized by her daughter, E5 –, as well as for other farms in the local area. The interviewees state that coffee growing has been part of their lives since they were children. They accompanied their fathers, working in the fields, especially during harvest time. Some went to live in São Paulo during the worst of the droughts in Abaíra. But, they returned and continue working as coffee pickers.

Picking coffee cherries by hand takes place from April to August and it is common for growers to hire the same women, year after year, especially those who prove themselves to work with care and are able to select only the ripe cherries, leaving the green ones and not damaging the plants. The Catolés de Cima women’s accounts (Figure 6) show the socioeconomic importance of this activity for them and their families. In general, they use their earnings during this period to meet their domestic needs, buying items of furniture and carrying out home repairs and renovations, among others.

Whenever I make money, like this, during the coffee season, I like to make some home improvements, right? So, I don’t like to get that money and just spend it on anything. I invest it in improvements and then I can always look back and see how I made that improvement with the money I earned (interviewee E4)7.

Similarly, E7 told us how the money she made from the coffee picking is for, “bills, furnishings, clothes, medicine… that money has to stretch for everything, right? People of a certain age need medication for their high blood pressure, everything gets harder, then”.

Figure 6. Women coffee pickers, Catolés de Cima, Abaíra, Bahia State.

Photo: Lucylanne Oliveira da Silva

In addition to listening to the older women, we also sought to hear from the younger ones, daughters of smallholders and/or pickers who represent the third of fourth generation of women in the coffee growing sector. Interviewee E8 is E7’s daughter. She told us how she looks forward to the harvest, both for economic reasons and friendship. This is the time they all come together. In Catolés de Cima, a picker earns an average of 20 to 30 Brazilian reals (approximately 6 to 10 US dollars) per day, working five days a week – except for Sundays and market days – once a year. Harvesting specialty coffees is paid by the tin (of cherries). The rate varies between 5 to 8 Brazilian reals (approximately 1.5 to 2.5 US dollars) and payment is made either weekly or fortnightly, depending on the agreement between the parties. Interviewee E9, E5’s daughter, only picks coffee on her parents’ farm and the harvest represents an extra source of income for her.

When asked about what difficulties they face during the harvest, E8 replied that the majority of women need to work in several local farms. They tend to be far away and in hilly locations:

We have to pick for other people to earn money. For my mother, who is already 55, every farm is far away. It is quite a walk and I think it’s tiring for a person her age. If I could, I would do more for her. It takes an hour, more or less; 40 minutes to get there from here8.

Women also highlight health as being a challenge. Over time, many women develop back pain and can no longer pick coffee all day long. For E9, it would be important to see projects that value women coffee pickers more.

Who knows, maybe there’s a cooperative that can help women gain more influence, to increase the number of fields, of coffee, of jobs. Just looking after the house, the vegetable garden, that doesn’t make much money, it’s more to put on the table. It’s from the fields that women get money to buy clothes, an item of furniture, to pay off a tab at the bakery, that kind of thing. So, it is something that would really benefit the coffee women9.

At a second stage of the cooperative’s planning work, an activity called: “Harvesting dreams for the next two years” was carried out. Its aim was to learn informally about the dreams of the member families, to create a feeling of belonging and plan the inclusion of women over the following two years. Each family was visited, and climate issues were mentioned in all visits. The need to continue to produce in an organic and ecological way became clear, in particular because of the lack of water resources and rain in recent years. The women demonstrated a greater sensitivity to environmental, preservation and conservation issues.

Final considerations

The objective of this chapter was to address the importance of women for family farms located in the municipalities of Piatã and Abaíra, in Chapada Diamantina, state of Bahia. Two examples that stand out for their production of specialty and organic coffees were selected for this study: Santa Bárbara farm and Catolés de Cima. The research data revealed that women coffee growers and/or pickers have always been present through the generations in all stages of coffee production.

It is under this spotlight on family farming in Chapada Diamantina that we uncover the importance of women in planting, growing and harvesting, as well as their impact on the quality of one of Brazil’s best, most awarded coffees. In this way, to discuss women’s involvement in the coffee produced in Bahia is to turn to the present situation and the memories of many of the women who dedicate and have dedicated their social, family and working lives to the growing of this bean that, since the 1940s, has become an important part of Chapada Diamantina’s history.

Thanks to the complexity of this topic, the importance of expanding the study to other municipalities in Chapada Diamantina, as well as other coffee producing areas of Bahia State, would clearly assist in giving more visibility to coffee women.

References

A GEOGRAFIA do café. Rio de Janeiro: IBGE, 2016. 133 p. Disponível em: <https://biblioteca.ibge.gov.br/index.php/biblioteca-catalogo?view=detalhes&id=299002>. Acesso em: 14 fev. 2018.

AMORIM, M. S. S.; CERQUEIRA, F.; CORREA, F. M.; JESUS, M. M. Perspectivas da agroecologia: agricultura familiar, saberes tradicionais e transição agroecológica. In: SIMPÓSIO DE AGROECOLOGIA DA BAHIA, 3., 2016, Barro Vermelho. Anais... Barro Vermelho: SAB, 2016.

BRASIL. Lei nº 6.938 de 31 de agosto de 1981. Dispõe sobre a Política Nacional do Meio Ambiente seus fins e mecanismos de formulação e aplicação, e dá outras providências. Diário Oficial [da] República Federativa do Brasil, 1 set. 1981. Available at: <http://www.planalto.gov.br/ccivil_03/Leis/L6938.htm>. Access on: 17 July 2017.

COOPERATIVA DE PRODUTORES ORGÂNICOS E BIODINÂMICOS DA CHAPADA DIAMANTINA. Onde estamos: Chapada Diamantina. 2017. Available at: <http://cooperbio.com.br/W1/chapada-diamantina/>. Access on: 17 July 2017.

JUNCA, F. A.; FUNCH, L.; ROCHA, W. (Ed.). Biodiversidade e conservação da Chapada Diamantina. Brasília, DF: Ministério do Meio Ambiente, 2005. 11 p. (Série biodiversidade, 13). Available at: <http://www.mma.gov.br/estruturas/chm/_arquivos/Bio13_chapada_diamantina.pdf>. Access on: 17 July 2017.

SCHEFLER, M. L. Caderno de orientações metodológicas para formadores: metodologia análise-diagnóstico de sistemas de atividades, sob o enfoque de gênero e gerações: manual técnico. Salvador: Redor, 2007. Available at: <http://www.neim.ufba.br/wp/wp-content/uploads/2013/11/Mulherrural.pdf>. Access on: 17 July 2017.

SILIPRANDI, E. Mulheres e agroecologia: transformando o campo, as florestas e as pessoas. Rio de Janeiro: Ed. da UFRJ, 2015. 352 p.

Recommended literature

BSCA cafés especiais do brasil. Available at: <http://bsca.com.br/programa-cup-excellence.php>. Access on: 16 March 2016.

PINA, J. P. R. Avaliação das normas da produção integrada de café da cafeicultura familiar do Município de Piatã-BA. 2011. 36 f. (Trabalho de Conclusão de Curso) – Universidade Estadual do Sudoeste da Bahia, Vitória da Conquista.

Notes

1 E2, coffee grower, Fazenda Santa Bárbara, Piatã, Bahia State, oral history obtained by the authors through a face to face interview, 2016.

2 E3, coffee grower, Fazenda Santa Bárbara, Piatã, Bahia State, oral history obtained by the authors through a face to face interview, 2016.

3 E3, coffee grower, Fazenda Santa Bárbara, Piatã, Bahia State, oral history obtained by the authors through a face to face interview, 2016.

4 E5, coffee grower, Catolés de Cima, Abaíra, Bahia State oral history obtained by the authors through a face to face interview, 2016.

5 E5, coffee grower, Catolés de Cima, Abaíra, Bahia State oral history obtained by the authors through a face to face interview, 2016.

6 E1, coffee grower, Catolés de Cima, Abaíra, Bahia State oral history obtained by the authors through a face to face interview, 2016.

7 E4, coffee grower, Catolés de Cima, Abaíra, Bahia State oral history obtained by the authors through a face to face interview, 2016.

8 E8 coffee grower, Catolés de Cima, Abaíra, Bahia State oral history obtained by the authors through a face to face interview, 2016.

9 E9, coffee grower, Catolés de Cima, Abaíra, Bahia State oral history obtained by the authors through a face to face interview, 2016.

Left coffee beanChapter 14Right coffee bean

Aspects of women working in the coffee industry of Rondônia, Brazil

Renata Kelly da Silva

Coffee in Rondônia

Coffee was first cultivated in Brazil in the Amazon region, near Belém do Pará, at the beginning of the 18th century, when Sergeant Major Francisco de Melo Palheto secretly brought in a seedling of the Coffea arabica species under orders from the Governor of the State of Grão-Pará. At the time, coffee was a highly valued trade commodity in the West. However, commercial coffee production in the Amazon only really took off in the 1970s, especially in Rondônia State, with an influx of migrants from established coffee-growing states, such as Paraná, Minas Gerais and Espírito Santo. Settlement in this region was planned and encouraged by the Federal Government (Marcolan; Espindula, 2015).

These pioneers brought to Rondônia all the knowhow they had built up through experience. Migration peaked between 1978 and 1990 with the farming crisis that hit coffee growers particularly hard and drove them to take off in search of new horizons to the so-called “lands of milk and honey” in what was then the territory of Rondônia. Many spent days on the road, being transported in the so-called paus de arara – converted flatbed trucks with rough seating – along dirt tracks in poor conditions. However, these challenges failed to deter the trailblazers, who brought to the state not just their bravery and willingness to work, but also their considerable experience of coffee farming.

Coffea arabica came from Paraná and Minas Gerais, while those from Espírito Santo brought with them Coffea canephora – known as conilon or robusta in many other parts of the world. This latter species adapted better to the soil and climate of Rondônia, with its Amazonian conditions. The cultivation of the Robusta species thus became the preferred choice among growers. Rondônia now accounts for approximately 90% of the coffee grown in the Amazon region (Marcolan; Espindula, 2015).

Over the past few years, coffee farming in Rondônia has undergone positive transformations and seen gains in efficiency. According to the National Food Supply Agency (Conab, 2016), productivity went up by almost 100%, while the total cultivated area shrank by 43%. There are currently approximately 20,000 family farms growing coffee across an area measuring almost 88,000 hectares, while Conab estimates production for 2017 at almost 2 million bags. It is the fifth-largest coffee-producing state in Brazil and second only to Espírito Santo for robusta cultivation. The main producers of coffee in Rondônia are the municipalities of Cacoal, Alta Floresta D’Oeste, São Miguel do Guaporé, Machadinho D’Oeste, Ministro Andreazza and Nova Brasilândia D’Oeste. Together, these account for more than 60% of the state’s total production.

The pioneers

The advances made in Rondônia’s coffee farming have been the fruit of tireless effort on the part of the producers, supported by research institutes, rural extension agencies and government action. However, this would not have been possible without the first pioneers, the courageous trailblazers who kick-started coffee farming in the state. Many brought with them, along with their iron will, a love for coffee. Searching for better living conditions and the possibility of living off the land meant “rolling up their sleeves” and girding themselves to tackle Brazil’s new frontiers, deep in the jungle, facing diseases such as malaria, attacks from indigenous tribes and the general lawlessness of the region. They did not come alone; they brought their families with them.

The stories of these migrants who shaped Rondônia often tell of the hardships endured on the way from their home states and while establishing themselves in their new home. Husbands, with their wives and young children, risked terrible road conditions during the day, not to mention the paus de arara (literally “parrot perches”). These flatbed trucks were notoriously unsafe, but they were improvised substitutes for conventional buses. In addition to the families, these vehicles would also transport everything for their move – furniture, utensils and whatever else they brought to help them settle in. Awaiting these travellers was plenty of hard work and challenges.

These fearless pioneers made Rondônia their new home and planted the first crops of coffee with the same love with which they brought the beans from their home states. This dedication and passion was passed on from generation to generation, and today, these pioneers and their descendants stand out in Rondônia’s coffee-growing landscape. This vanguard, which made and is still making the history of Rondônia, came mainly from Paraná and Espírito Santo. And it was not just the men. The women also inherited the love for coffee and learned from an early age about the importance of working with the land and taking on responsibility for creating a brighter future.

Women working in the fields and in the cities

There is still very little official data on the conditions and impact women have on society. Some information exists from the 2010 publication Gender Statistics: an analysis of the results from the 2010 Demographic Census carried out by the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics (IBGE, 2014) as part of the National System of Gender Indicators (SNIG). The data shows that women working in rural areas contribute more to their household incomes (42.4%) than those living in urban areas (40.7%). According to the IBGE, in 2000, women were heads of household in 24.9% of the 44.8 million homes surveyed. In 2010, this proportion grew to 38.7% of 57.3 million, representing an increase of 13.7%.

This publication also contains data on other important analysis criteria. One such example is education. There were gains in educational levels for girls and women, with a subsequent increase in their participation in the employment market. This becomes clear when looking at the illiteracy rate, higher among women aged 60 or over (27.4%) when compared to men in the same age group (24.9%). The reverse is true for younger age groups (15-29 and 30-59). However, even with women having a higher degree of education than men in similar conditions, and with their greater participation in the employment market in Brazil in 2010 when compared to 2000, there are still considerable differences in the figures between women and their male counterparts.

An example is the greater difference in the rates of activity for men and women in rural areas. The rural activity rate for men is 58.7% higher than for women, while in the cities, the activity rate for men is 36.4% higher than for women; that is, women’s access to the employment market is even more restricted in rural areas.

It is also worth briefly analysing income, which is still one of the main variables used to measure poverty and inequality. The study showed that, in 2000, the proportion of individuals who earned up to the minimum wage was 19.8%, while, for women, this figure was slightly higher (20.8%). In 2010, these numbers had grown to 29.8% and 33.7%, respectively. It is important to note that the lower income group are defined by sex, colour/race and location: 50.8% of black or mixed race women from Brazil’s North-eastern region earn up to the minimum wage, increasing to 59.3% for women in this region’s rural areas.

Despite a lack of more concrete and recent data, the increase in education and the participation of women in the employment market across different areas is observable. The inequalities that still exist are, however, clearly apparent, especially regarding income, access to education and visibility.

The coffee women of Rondônia

In the absence of research into women working in Rondônia’s coffee sector, this study seeks to present an analysis of a number of women who work in various segments of the sector, including cultivation, research, consultancy and trade, in order to give more visibility to their efforts and breakthroughs, as well as the challenges they face.

Despite being found in different areas of the coffee industry, some in the fields and others in the cities, these women all share a passion for coffee. They also have in common the fact that they perform several roles throughout the day: wives, mothers and housewives. These women also struggle against gender barriers, which impact on their credibility, income, access to participation and in the decision-making processes along the coffee value chain.

All five interviewees are either pioneers or daughters of pioneers in the state’s coffee industry, who originally came from the country’s main coffee-producing regions. They bring a dedication to coffee instilled in the cradle. In this way, they continue to honour the work begun by their parents.

Coffee grower, domestic worker and head of the household

Suzi Aparecida da Silva’s relationship with coffee began with her grandparents, who worked in the coffee fields of Minas Gerais and Paraná. They arrived in Rondônia in the 1980s, bringing with them knowledge earned in different areas. At the age of 6, Suzi was already taking her first steps in the coffee fields and embarking on a journey that would continue to this day. After getting married, together with her husband she worked on land owned by others, as sharecroppers, until they were able to buy their own property. They started with two acres. Unfortunately, their marriage did not last. Separated, she cares for both their children – boys now aged 17 and 11 – and owns one acre.

According to Suzi, it has been a never-ending struggle. Looking after her children and the crop while providing for the family brought big challenges for a young woman who refused to give up her two loves: her sons and coffee.

Suzi describes how her search for knowledge, through courses and lectures, provided her with the ability to improve her cultivation skills and obtain more resources. In particular, it has opened her eyes to sustainable farming methods, one of the main features of her coffee crop. In all, she tends 5,000 coffee plants, most of them robusta clones. What sets her farming apart is the use of simple techniques, such as soil correction, planting on slopes and preserving the topsoil to avoid erosion. She also uses a minimum of agrochemicals, hoeing weeds instead. According to her calculations, this results in significant savings – R$ 2,000 in 2017 alone. Suzi keeps careful account of everything down to the last detail to ensure she is running things as efficiently as possible.

In addition to working in the fields, she buys coffee seedlings, sells the processed product, negotiates financing and hires labourers. She manages everything alone. She says that at first people found it strange to see her dealing with the commercial side. Many were hesitant to deal with a woman, especially as regards financing. But, over time and with her efforts to always keep her accounts in order, she gained their trust and established herself. “Many didn’t believe that I would be able to take care of all the growing and commercial aspects on my own. It has not been easy, there have been difficult times, but I have always tried to keep my chin up”, Suzi recounts1. Taking the initiative was something she learned at home, while growing up. As she has always lived in a rural area and most members of her family were women, from an early age she was already helping her grandfather with farming, buying, selling, negotiating and hiring workers.

However, it is still not possible to support her family with the income from her coffee business alone. To make ends meet, she also works three days a week as a domestic worker and when the neighbours need help with their harvests or an extra hand in their fields she is always at hand. With all these activities, not to mention having to look after her children and home, it is no wonder she has a busy schedule. She gets up at 5 a.m., prepares breakfast and gets her youngest ready for school. Three times a week, she works as a domestic worker until midday, with the rest of her time spent on her farm.

Asked if all this effort is worth it, she has no doubts. “I can’t see myself doing anything other than working with coffee. My dream is to be able to give my children a better life, an easier one than I have had”2. She is already doing that. Her eldest son has moved to town for his studies and she is managing to foot the bills. She has a motorcycle and Internet at home and is organizing herself better every day in order to improve her coffee growing and, as a result, increase her income.

Coffee grower, mother and trailblazer

Vilma Schmidt, originally from Espírito Santo, does not hide her passion for coffee. “It has been passed down through the generations”, she says. Since the age of 9, still in Espírito Santo, she would help her parents in the fields. Her husband, Ademar Schmidt, is also a coffee grower and has only added to that passion.

They left Espírito Santo for Rondônia. Her husband fell in love with their new state, even before they arrived. The photos of Rondônia shown by his fellow Capixabas, (as people from Espírito Santo are known,) left Ademar inspired and curious to get to know it. In 1985, he satisfied his curiosity and completely changed the direction of his and his family’s lives. Together with his wife and daughter, he set off from the town of São Gabriel da Palha, in Espírito Santo, and headed for new horizons. “It took us nine days and nights under a tarpaulin on a truck. Ruth was almost two; there were two families, ours and that of Ademar’s brother. We suffered a lot”, Vilma recounts.

They sold just over 4.5 acres of land in Espírito Santo and bought slightly more than 18 acres in Alta Floresta D’Oeste, 20 km from town. Maintaining the family tradition that had been passed on through the generations, they started to cultivate coffee.

In the beginning, Vilma would get up in the mornings, pack a snack and head for the fields with her then still infant daughter. She would work until 11 am, then go back home to make lunch before returning to the fields. “They were tough times, there was so much to be done before the coffee was grown”, she recalls. Now, almost in her 60s, she still helps her husband with the coffee, albeit with preparing the food for the field workers, as well as with spreading the cherries on the terrace during harvest time.

When asked what coffee means to her, she is quick to answer: “Coffee is everything to us. We are Capixabas and coffee is our passion”. The sacrifices and challenges of their beginnings brought them good returns, making it possible to invest more. According to Vilma, the most important investment was providing her daughters, Ruth and Raquel, with the opportunity to study. “I wasn’t really given the chance to study, I grew up in the fields. Today, my daughters have a great legacy, which is education”, she says. Ruth is a biologist and works as a manager in a credit union. Raquel has a postgraduate degree in agronomy and works directly with coffee. She is the one who advises her parents and monitors their crop.

Vilma says she feels fulfilled. “Coffee has given us so much. We have always worked with it and know the rewards it can bring”3, she concludes.

The agronomist from Espírito Santo in love with coffee

Raquel Schmidt, aged 27, is Vilma’s youngest child. She is an agronomist and works as a coffee consultant. Coffee was already a part of her parents’ lives, having been a passion of her grandparents. Born in Rondônia, but the daughter of Capixabas, her love for coffee is in her DNA.

She grew up surrounded by the crop. She started her degree in agronomy at the age of 17 and then worked in coffee research before earning her postgraduate degree in coffee nutrition. She currently travels throughout Rondônia, working directly with coffee growers in the fields.

About being a woman and working in an industry like the coffee sector, which has always been dominated by men, she says it was difficult in the beginning, both because of her gender and her relatively young age. But, she refused to be intimidated and fought to carve out a space for herself. When starting out, she always used her surname when making first contact and would not “identify her gender”. Then, when visiting in person, the growers would be surprised to see that Schmidt was actually a young woman. The challenge, now, she says, is to maintain the professional standards she has built up as a field specialist. The growers already trust the work she does and are able to see what sets her apart.

For Raquel, one of the main differences a woman in the field can bring is her attention to detail. “We go to the plantations and see every step, up close; we gain the growers’ trust and are able to add value to the work”,4 the agronomist explains.

Raquel says she is doing what she loves and would not have it any other way. “I studied, got my degree, did my postgrad and wouldn’t know what I would do if I wasn’t working with coffee”, she concludes.

Lena, quick to smile, calloused hands

Maria Helena Oliveira, or Dona Lena, as she prefers to be called, is one of those people who works in the fields under the merciless sun of Brazil’s Amazon region, but always with a smile on her face that shows the love and dedication she has for what she does.

Her daily struggle in the field is what sustains her family. She started farming at an early age, when she was 10 years old, with her father, in the Paraná State municipality of Goioerê. Her family grew a bit of everything on their small plot of land: cotton (Gossypium hirsutum), coffee, rice (Oryza sativa), beans (Phaseolus vulgaris), manioc (Manihot esculenta), maize (Zea mays) and leafy greens. Lena and her nine siblings would help out around the farm, sowing and reaping their land, as well as that of others in the community where they lived.

Fearless, in 1981 and aged only 18, she set off from her native state to a distant, unknown destination: the new state of Rondônia. It took the family days of travel on a flatbed truck with rudimentary structure – the notorious paus de arara. They brought with them their meagre possessions and a dream of a better life. They went in search of new lands and opportunities.

Dona Lena is illiterate, having missed out on the opportunity of education through a lifetime of work. Despite two failed marriages, she brought up five children practically alone. Her achievement was being able to provide them with the opportunity to study, something she never had. Now, they are married and doing well for themselves.

Dona Lena’s greatest challenge was dealing with hunger as a child, and later, as a mother. She recounts how, as child, when times were bad, there was no food at home and hunger was a constant companion. But, she recalls, it was worse when she went through it with her own children. She becomes emotional as she remembers how sometimes she could only offer them salted boiled manioc to eat. She fought her way out of poverty and hunger by working in fields owned by others. Nowadays, she owns a house and, at the age of 55, still earns a living as a rural worker in the municipalities of Mirante da Serra and Ouro Preto do Oeste, in Rondônia.

In the fields, she says there is no difference between men and women, because their work is the same. But, she is the one who has to get up earlier, make breakfast and prepare the packed lunch for herself and her current partner. After a full day of toiling in the fields, she gets home in the evening to work: washing clothes, caring for the home and cooking for the family. The next day, it all starts again at 5 a.m. She does not seem at all upset with her tiring multiple duties, after all, as she always says, “it is for the good of the family”.

Dona Lena has spent her whole life out in the fields. She loves farming, but coffee is her real passion. For her, it is a source of pride, for she knows it is her work in the fields that leads to the beverage set down on everyone’s table. “The coffee we harvest so lovingly goes to the cities and you see it on the tables of the rich and the poor alike”, she says5.

From the city to the coffee fields

Unlike most of the interviewees, neither Ângela Berger nor her parents were originally involved with coffee. But, like the others, coffee is now a part of her life – one she has no intention of giving up.

She lived in Curitiba, in Paraná State, before her family moved to the municipality of Rolim de Moura, in Rondônia, when she was still a child. She knew nothing about coffee, nor showed the slightest interest in agriculture. However, all that changed when, at the age of 16, she met and fell in love with her future husband. With him came another passion: coffee.

Ângela was always determined to invest in her studies. She finished secondary school at the State Education Centre for Young People and Adults (CEEJA), aged 17. At the time, she was already helping her husband in the coffee production process, helping with the dryer. With no resources, she saw coffee as a way to pay for her education. So, she asked her father-in-law for a small plot of land to grow coffee. He agreed. They planted the crop and she took over the entire process, from growing, through harvest and processing the cherries. Through coffee growing she was able to pay for her accounting course. Her aim was to use the knowledge she would learn to help with the administrative part of the business. And that is what she did.

After 16 years of working with all stages of coffee growing, from the fields to the buying and selling of beans, her perception has changed. “Coffee is everything to me! It has made me who I am today, and I wouldn’t swap it for anything. I want to carry on working with coffee”, Ângela stresses6.

She faced many challenges during negotiations while at the company. At the start, producers would be hesitant to deal with her, but her husband always directed them back to her. “They had no choice”, she says. According to Ângela, having the autonomy to work was an important part of gaining the trust of producers. She also says that, over the years, she has noticed an increase in the number of women taking part in the business aspects of the coffee industry. “Nowadays, women come in and want to know how much their coffee is worth; they keep a close eye on things”7.

Like most women, working at the company is just one of Ângela›s roles. She is also a housewife, prepares meals and, during harvest, takes turns with her husband at the dryer. During these periods, they get almost no sleep as the work cannot stop – the dryer is kept going 24 hours a day.

From the coffee fields to trading

Alice Rech has been in Rondônia since the age of 12. She came with her parents and siblings from the Cascavel region in Paraná State in 1979. As in many other cases, her father went first, purchasing a plot of land in the new state before returning for the family. Alice remembers that they went from Paraná to Ariquemes, in Rondônia, on a “rural” – a sturdy vehicle used for a wide variety of purposes. When they arrived, six months after her father’s first trip, the land he bought had been invaded and the family were forced to find another plot. They started from scratch. “It was a real struggle”, Alice recalls.

She grew up amidst the routines of the farm. She was used to seeing her father harvest, roast and grind the beans at home. They would drink the coffee produced by their own hand. “I learned to really appreciate coffee with my father”, Alice recounts. She still has the grinder her father, who has since passed away, used. Alice often says she knows coffee from the field to the cup. She proclaims her love for it and everything to do with the bean. “I feel privileged for having been born into a family of coffee growers. I learned at home, with my family, to appreciate coffee”8.

After working in the logging industry, among others, Alice returned to her roots in 2009. She worked in a company directly linked with the coffee sector, leasing machines that make hot, coffee-based beverages. She is also a Três Barras coffee brand rep for Rondônia. A lover of good coffee, she saw a gap in the Rondônia market for quality options. This was her opportunity. Together with her husband, she went to coffee machine fairs, taste-tested several brands and finally chose to represent Três Barras. She currently works, with her husband and two employees, at the company.

As a woman in the coffee industry, Alice recognizes that women still have a long way to go before making their mark on the sector. “When you talk about coffee, you automatically think of men. You only think of women in terms of making it in the kitchen. But, I am proud to be making a space for myself. And, in the coffee business, which is quite chauvinistic, we are slowly carving out our place”9, says Alice.

Alice, the business woman, also has other roles. Her day starts at 6 a.m. After a good coffee, she goes to the company, where she works in management, hiring, buying and selling. She visits clients and closes deals. At home, she has a domestic worker to help with the chores, but it is Alice who cooks for the family – herself, her husband and two children. After lunch, she returns to the company, visits clients, offers her products and does all the various daily activities, rarely without a cup of coffee in her hands.

References

CONAB. Levantamentos de safra: levantamento da safra de grãos, café, cana-de-açúcar e laranja (área plantada, produtividade e produção). [Brasília, DF, 2016]. Available at: <http://www.conab.gov.br/conteudos.php?a=1253&Pagina_objcmsconteudos=3#A_objcmsconteudos>. Access on: 28 July 2017.

IBGE. Estatísticas de gênero: uma análise do censo demográfico 2010. Rio de Janeiro, 2014. Available at: <http://biblioteca.ibge.gov.br/biblioteca-catalogo?id=288941&view=detalhes>. Access on: 28 July 2017.

MARCOLAN, A. L.; ESPINDULA, M. C. Café na Amazônia. Brasília, DF: Embrapa, 2015.

Notes

1 Suzi Aparecida da Silva, rural worker in Rondônia, oral history obtained by the author in an oral interview, 2017.

2 Suzi Aparecida da Silva, rural worker in Rondônia, oral history obtained by the author in an oral interview, 2017.

3 Vilma Schmidt, rural worker in Rondônia, oral history obtained by the author in an oral interview, 2017.

4 Raquel Schmidt, 27, agronomist in Rondônia, oral history obtained by the author in an oral interview, 2017.

5 Maria Helena Oliveira (D. Lena), rural worker Mirante da Serra e Ouro Preto do Oeste, RO, oral history obtained by the author in an oral interview, 2017.

6 Ângela Berger, accountant and coffee trader, Municipality of Rolim de Moura, RO, oral history obtained by the author in an oral interview, 2017.

7 Ângela Berger, accountant and coffee trader, Municipality of Rolim de Moura, RO, oral history obtained by the author in an oral interview, 2017.

8 Alice Rech, businesswoman, Rondônia, oral history obtained by the author in an oral interview, 2017.

9 Alice Rech, businesswoman, Rondônia, oral history obtained by the author in an oral interview, 2017.

Left coffee beanChapter 15Right coffee bean

A gender approach to coffee research1

Cristina Arzabe

Ricardo de Oliveira Abu Hana

Introduction

Science is a construction in which, historically speaking, men have tended to participate in more than women. It is only since the second half of the 20th century, with the growing need for human resources in strategic activities, like science, and the advent of the contraceptive pill, the women’s liberation movement and the struggle for equal rights that women began to have broader access to scientific education and to careers traditionally occupied by men. Given the above, many studies on the dynamics of the gender relations were carried out in the academic and scientific research contexts in Brazil. These focused both on science as a whole and on specific segments, such as computer sciences, chemistry, physics, biology, health and geography and at times even on specific institutions. Various studies have tackled the difficulties faced by women in making space for themselves and achieving excellence within this universe, as well as tacking the bias that still exists in certain areas of knowledge, productivity, leadership and professional advancement. In this context, this study sought to analyse the dynamics of gender relations within the Coffee Research Consortium, between 2006 and 2014 (funding calls for 2006, 2009 and 2013), with regard to project leadership and research grant awards among researchers and grant holders in general.

The Coffee Research Consortium runs the Coffee Research and Development Coffee Programme with partial support from resources from the Coffee Economy Defence Fund (Funcafé). Its aim is to develop knowledge, science, technology and innovation in order to add value to the coffee agribusiness chain. It encompasses several areas, running research projects action plans, or APs) across Brazil’s coffee-producing regions. Embrapa Café manages the Coffee R&D Programme using the Consortium’s Research Programme Administrative Management System (Sisgap), a management tool that allows systematic monitoring of the project portfolio and the organization of data, essential for the technical and administrative management of research schedules.

The Coffee Research Consortium’s Grant Programme aims to train human resources in strategic research areas to support the promotion of Brazil’s coffee agribusiness, encouraging the development of technical and scientific projects and stimulating the implementation of new technologies. The programme also plays an important role in retaining qualified professionals in the area and supporting the training of undergraduate and postgraduate students at participating universities and institutions.

Data collection

The data from this study was extracted from the Coffee Research Consortium’s Sisgap. It provides an analysis of the personal records of AP grant holders and coordinators. Answers to the following questions were sought, for the period from 2006 to 2014:

With regard to the researchers, or coordinators, responsible for the APs, were there or are there any differences in the numbers of men and women working at the Coffee Research Consortium?

For all research grants, were there or are there any differences in the numbers of men and women awarded these grants?

Looking at the research grant modalities individually, were there or are there any differences in the numbers of men and women awarded these grants?

Are there any differences between men and women AP coordinators in terms of whether men or women in their APs are awarded research grants?

The sample population comprised an average of 278 APs and 305 grants per year for the period between 2006 and 2014. Records that did not specify gender were discarded. Given that in some cases the grant period started in one year and ended in another, it was decided that the year the grant began would be taken as the main year. In relation to AP coordination, both the number of distinct APs coordinated by men and coordinated by women were counted. Some APs were included in the count for both men and women. This occurred when there was a change of coordinator from a man to a woman or vice-versa. In order to create the graphs on grant sources per AP, the coordinator was deemed to be the person responsible for the grant request, regardless of any subsequent changes in AP coordination.

Results

Researchers coordinating APs

It can be seen that, in the funding calls for 2006, 2009 and 2013, the number of APs coordinated by men was always larger (by a factor of 2.4, 1.8 and 2.3 for each respective year), with no noticeable changes to the pattern among funding calls (Figure 1). Although gender equality has been promoted for a long time, there continue to be asymmetries in various contexts, due to our culture. Our Greco-Judaic-Christian roots are strongly marked by misogynist elements which result in the construction of environments, identities, social roles and public/private dichotomies. Within this culture, two gender stereotypes function as barriers to women entering science:

The continuation of the role of women as the main responsible individuals for childcare and the domestic environment. This is especially relevant as science is a rapidly progressing field and, therefore, time is a critical factor with regard to updating of skills and the production of new knowledge, impelling researchers toward greater dedication to their professional careers in detriment of their personal, family and social lives.

The fact that certain areas of knowledge are considered to be typically masculine, as is the case with agricultural sciences. Another study on science and technology in the context of the National Institutes of Science and Technology (Nists) also noted that the agricultural sciences are some of the areas that currently attract the lowest number of women leaders.

Figure 1. Distribution patterns (in %) of Action Plans (AP) coordinated by men and women in the funding calls for 2006, 2009 and 2013, according to Administrative Management System of the Coffee Research Consortium’s Research Programme (Sisgap) data.

Grants awarded

An analysis of all the modalities together shows that, between 2009 and 2014, the Coffee Research Consortium’s Grants and Support Programme were awarded in roughly equal proportion to male and female applicants (Figure 2A). When the modalities are analysed individually, this symmetry disappears, with the exception of grants for postgraduate candidates (Figure 2B), for which there is a small difference between the grants awarded to men and women, slightly favouring women over men.

As regards the grants to secondary school technicians (Figure 2C), men are significantly more represented and a slight trend toward the increase in the percentage of grants awarded to women is observed. The same trend is noted with the Productivity in Technological Development and Innovation (PTDI) grants, destined for professionals with consummate experience (12-15 years, with a minimum of 6 or 10 years of post-doctorate work experience, depending on the modality), where the majority of grants, during the period in question, were awarded to men (Figure 2D). Another study conducted at the Federal University of Minas Gerais (UFMG), using data collected in 2007, also showed that few women had received the highest levels of productivity grants awarded by the National Council of Scientific and Technological Development (CNPq).

The Scientific Development and Innovation (SDI) grants include five modalities: secondary school technicians (SDI 1), graduates (SDI 2 and 3) and holders of masters’ and Ph.Ds. (SDI 4 and 5). As regards the awards destined for the latter two categories (Figure 2E), we note a significant number of women throughout the period in question, with an increase in the number of women at university, as they currently comprise the larger group of undergraduate and postgraduate students in Brazil.

In the case of Technical Support (TS) grants, which are destined for secondary education and, therefore, offer smaller sums, a significant increase in the number of women awarded these grants over the past three years was observed (Figure 2F). By contrast, with Scientific Initiation (SI) grants (Figure 2G), destined for secondary and undergraduate students, the reverse is seen, with an increase in the number of grants awarded to men.

Relationship between grants and APs

It can be seen that male AP coordinators tend to tutor more male grant holders (Figure 3A), a pattern called “from him to him”; similarly, female AP coordinators tend to tutor more female grant holders (Figure 3B), likewise called “from her to her”. This trend is more marked in the latter than the former. This pattern, however, is not seen in the few Nists currently coordinated by women (only 14.8% of the total), where men are the majority in positions such as management board members and “lead researchers”. When analysing the percentage of all awards granted to both men and women, percentages are similar, which shows little asymmetry between them. In part, this is due to some award modalities being granted more often to women, while others are more frequently awarded to men. There could be a greater balance in the percentage difference among men and women coordinators thanks to the tendency of women coordinators to select more women applicants. This could be due to the choice, conscious or otherwise, by the coordinator, or to a greater number of female applicants for the grant modalities in which women tend to predominate.

Figure 2. Distribution patterns of awards by gender (in percentages) for the Coffee Research Consortium’s Awards and Support Programme for the period 2009 to 2014.

Figure 3. Distribution patterns of awards (as a percentage) between men (M Awards) and women (F Awards) for the funding calls in 2006, 2009 and 2013, from the Action Plans (APs) coordinated by men (A) and women (B).

Final considerations

The results corroborate the literature as regards the leadership of research projects. It is observed that there is a higher percentage of men lead researchers compared to women (on average, 70% of projects are coordinated by men). Furthermore, a higher percentage of men have access to grants of higher value and those destined for professionals with extensive experience (on average, 90% of these grants are awarded to men).

There was also a notable predominance of women among the awards destined for Master’s degrees and doctorates across the entire period researched, with a significant percentage increase in the number of grants for these modalities awarded to women in the 2014 funding call. This suggests a future landscape in which more projects will be coordinated by women, with a tendency toward greater gender symmetry, where women will have greater access to grants destined for professionals with extensive experience.

As regards the other grant modalities, only SDI 2 and 3 grants (for graduates) present a degree of gender symmetry. In relation to grants for secondary education technicians, men predominate. In the TS modality, an increasing number of grants are being awarded to women, while a larger number of SI grants are being awarded to men.

Finally, it can also be seen that male AP coordinators generally tutor more male grant holders (the “from him to him” pattern), while the same holds true for their female counterparts (“from her to her”), with a greater gender discrepancy in this latter group. Seeing as there are fewer women AP coordinators, this discrepancy can explain gender symmetry when analysing all the grants without separating them by modality. In the case of women, this trend may be the result of a conscious or unconscious choice by the coordinators, or because there are more women applicants in these respective modalities.

Recommended literature

CESAR, T. R.; PINTO, V. A. A produção intelectual da geografia brasileira, entorno das temáticas de gênero e sexualidades: uma visão a partir dos periódicos on line. Revista Latino-Americana de Geografia e Gênero, v. 6, n. 2, p. 119-132, 2015.

CUNHA, M. B.; PERES, O. M.; GIORDAN, M.; BERTOLDO, R. R.; MARQUES, G. Q.; DUNCKE, A. C. As mulheres na ciência: o interesse das estudantes brasileiras pela carreira científica. Educación Quimica, v. 25, n. 4, p. 407-417, 2014.

FARBER, S. G.; VERDINELLI, M. A.; RAMEZANALI, M. A universidade está contribuindo para a igualdade de gênero? Um olhar sobre a percepção dos docentes de pós-graduação. Revista GUAL, v. 5, n. 4, p. 116-140, 2012. Edição especial.

HAYASHI, M. C.; CABRERO, R. C.; COSTA, M. P.; HAYASHI, C. R. Indicadores da participação feminina em Ciência e Tecnologia. Transinformação, v. 19, n. 2, p. 169-187, 2007.

LETA, J. As mulheres na ciência brasileira: crescimento, contrastes e um perfil de sucesso. Estudos Avançados, v. 17, n. 49, p. 271-284, 2003.

LETA, J.; LEWISON, G. The contribution of women in Brazilian science: a case study in astronomy, immunology and oceanography. Scientometrics, v. 57, n. 3, p. 339-353, 2003.

LIMA, M. P. As mulheres na Ciência da Computação. Revista Estudos Feministas, v. 21, n. 3, p. 793-816, 2013.

LOPES, L. G. Gênero como categoria condicionante de delimitações espaciais: uma análise da trajetória feminina na pós-graduação e produção do conhecimento. Revista Latino-Americana de Geografia e Gênero, v. 6, n. 1, p. 154-168, 2015.

LOPES, M. M. Aventureiras’ nas ciências: refletindo sobre gênero e história das ciências naturais no Brasil. Cadernos Pagu, v. 10, p. 345-368, 1998.

MACIEL, B. Mulheres na produção do conhecimento científico. Revista Facipe, v. 1, n. 1, p. 15-26, 2005.

MELO, H. P.; LASTRES, H. M.; MARQUES, T. C. Gênero no sistema de ciência, tecnologia e inovação no Brasil. Revista Gênero, v. 4, n. 2, p. 73-94, 2004.

OHAYON, P.; LETA, J.; CARISEY, M.; SÉCHET, P. As mulheres na pesquisa, no desenvolvimento tecnológico e na inovação: uma comparação Brasil/França. Revista do Serviço Público, v. 57, n. 4, p. 531-548, 2006.

OLINTO, G. Equilibro de género en ciência y tecnologia y el sector público en Brasil. In: MIQUEO, C.; BARRA, M. J.; MAGALLÓN, C. (Ed.). Estudios iberoamericanos de género en ciencia, tecnologia y salud. Zaragoza: Prensas Universitárias Zaragoza, 2008. p. 105-112.

OSADA, N. M.; COSTA, M. C. Fazendo gênero na biologia brasileira: obstáculos e preconceitos na produção do conhecimento no projeto Genoma Fapesp. Arbor Ciência, Pensamiento y Cultura, n. 733, p. 863-876, 2008.

PRADO, R. M.; FLEITH, D. S. Pesquisadoras brasileiras: conciliando talento, ciência e família. Arquivos Brasileiros de Psicologia, v. 64, n. 2, p. 19-34, 2012.

RIGOLIN, C. C.; HAYASHI, C. R.; HAYASHI, M. C. Métricas da participação feminina na ciência e tecnologia no contexto dos INCTs: primeiras aproximações. Liinc em Revista, v. 9, n. 1, p. 143-170, 2013.

RODRIGUES, J. G. Gênero, ciência & tecnologia e saúde: apontamentos sobre a participação feminina na pesquisa na Fundação Oswaldo Cruz. Rio de Janeiro. 2014. 129 f. Tese (Doutorado) – Fundação Oswaldo Cruz, Instituto de Comunicação e Informação Científica e Tecnológica, Rio de Janeiro.

ROSEMBERG, F.; MADSEN, N. Educação formal, mulheres e gênero no Brasil contemporâneo. In: BARSTED, L. L.; PITANGUY, J. (Ed.). O progresso das mulheres no Brasil: 2003-2010. Rio de Janeiro: Cepia; Brasília, DF: Ipea: Unesco, 2011. p. 390-433.

SILVA, F. F. da; RIBEIRO, P. R. Trajetórias de mulheres na ciência: ’ser cientista‘ e ’ser mulher. Ciência e Educucação, v. 20, n. 2, p. 449-466, 2014.

SILVA, V. A. Distribuição de bolsas produtividade em pesquisa na UFMG: uma questão de gênero. Via Litterae, v. 5, n. 2, p. 351-372, 2013.

TEIXEIRA, A. B.; FREITAS, M. A. Mulheres na docência do ensino superior em cursos de física. Ensino Em Re-Vista, v. 21, n. 2, p. 329-340, 2014.

VELHO, L.; LEÓN, E. A construção social da produção científica por mulheres. Cadernos Pagu, v. 10, p. 309-344, 1998.

Notes

1 This study was presented during the IX Simpósio de Pesquisa dos Cafés do Brasil (IX Symposium of Coffee Research in Brazil) and is available in its entirety, in Portuguese, at: <https://www.embrapa.br/cafe/busca-de-publicacoes/-/publicacao/1024148/uma-abordagem-de-genero-no-universo-da-pesquisa-sobre-cafe>.

Left coffee beanChapter 16Right coffee bean

Agricultural Research Institute of Paraná: science, gender and coffee

Patricia Helena Santoro

Doralice de Fátima Cargano

Helery Morais

Izaura Marlene Galvanini Salton

Andressa Cristina Zamboni Machado

Agricultural Research Institute of Paraná

On 29 June 1972, the Paraná State administration, through State Law number 6,292/1972, established the Agricultural Research Institute of Paraná (Iapar), a public foundation (Agricultural Research Institute of Paraná, 2013). In 1973, in parallel with its physical and operational development activities, Iapar sought the collaboration of the most qualified technicians, comprising its core research team for research production. With the recruitment of staff, the institute brought together a group to coordinate the research and experimenting activities in the areas it considered a priority, of which coffee was one. By February 1975, the Coffee Programme, among others, was officially implemented.

In the specific case of the Coffee Programme, over four decades, research has been conducted for the development of technological production models suited to the State’s coffee-growing regions. Its actions are designed to increase yields, improve product and beverage quality, promote the diversification of agricultural activities in farms, reduce the costs of production, inputs and energy, increase labour efficiency and the use of available infrastructure, and preserve the environment.

The theme of “science, technology and gender” at Iapar

Iapar demonstrated its interest in women’s participation in science and in the theme “science and gender” at an event held in 2006, held on the institute’s 34th anniversary. The series of lectures were entitled Debating the Relations between Science and Gender. It included talks and the launch of a book Ciência, tecnologia e gênero: desvelando o feminino na construção do conhecimento (Science, technology and gender: uncovering the feminine in the construction of knowledge) (Santos et al., 2006). This collection, comprising eight chapters, addresses various aspects of the “science and gender” debate, against a backdrop of the relationship between science and society, and evaluates studies conducted on this topic in Brazil and other countries.

Science, gender and women’s involvement in coffee research at Iapar

Science in Brazil was only recently institutionalized, and it was only in the 1980s and 1990s that women started to participate in greater numbers in the sector. A census conducted in 1995 revealed that the percentage of women in the National Council of Scientific and Technological Development (CNPq) was 39%. Nowadays, of the total number of researchers registered in the CNPq’s Directory of Research Groups in 2016, women already account for 50% (CNPq, 2016),reflecting the increase in women’s participation in science over these past 21 years. These figures cover all areas of knowledge. However, looking closer at certain specific areas, such as the agricultural sciences, there are still fewer women than men, which is more than likely to be a reflection of historical and cultural factors.

In 2011, the 17th edition of Revista UNESP Ciência (UNESP Science Magazine), published the article A ciência das mulheres (Women’s science) (Nogueira, 2011). It argued that, despite women already representing half of Brazil’s researchers, there are some areas of knowledge where men still predominate, such as the exact sciences and engineering. In these areas, the proportion of women correspond to 33% and 26%, respectively. Melo and Lastres (2006) also point to a sexist bias in science, with women and men participating in different scientific fields, with men more predominant in the agricultural and veterinary sciences, engineering and, especially, physics, while women are more prevalent in the biological and human sciences.

Analysing the current composition of the Brazilian Academy of Sciences, it can be seen that the proportion of women in agricultural sciences amounts to only 17% of full members (Silva, 2016). Although still low, this represents an advance in comparison with 2002, when all members where men (Melo; Casemiro, 2003). Another study confirms that there are few women in the agricultural sciences. It was undertaken by researchers at the Federal University of Viçosa (UFV), where they point out that in the University’s 11 postgraduate agricultural science courses, there is a predominance of male academics/researchers, accounting for 89% of the total (Fiúza et al., 2009).

At Iapar, the numbers also point to a male predominance (71%) in its various fields of research. This figure is reflected in the institute’s scientific management positions, comprising coordinators of technical departments and research program leaders, where only 25% are occupied by women.

Despite the growing proportion of women in scientific careers over the past decade, as highlighted by the 2016 CNPq Census, the predominance of male researchers at Iapar may be related to the fact that there was no rotation of positions for a long period – 16 years, from 1992 to 2008. When taking into account only the active researchers recruited prior to 1992, the proportion of women was 19%. Recruitment began to pick up in 2008, meaning that women now represent 40% of the total of employees.

Who are the coffee women at Iapar

The Coffee Programme has been part of the Iapar structure since 1975. It aims to coordinate research, human resources, material and financial actions by clearly defining scientific objectives, as well as the action plans required to generate suitable technology for sustainable coffee growing. The actions are coordinated by the programme leader, who is at one of the management levels linked to the institute’s Research Board. Since its creation, the Coffee Programme has been headed by male researchers and it is only recently, at the beginning of 2015, that the leadership was taken on by Patrícia Helena Santoro.

Women in the group of active researchers who work or have worked in the Coffee Programme account for 36% of the total. These researchers (Figure 1) manage technological research and innovation projects, work in postgraduate programmes, tutor students, are members of internal and external committees, give courses and lectures, manage the use of assets, coordinate work teams and represent the institution in a variety of forums, among other things.

Figure 1. The coffee women of the Agricultural Research Institute of Paraná (Iapar).

Photo: Joaquim André

Based on the premise that science belongs to all of humanity and that it transcends gender barriers, and that men and women share a common language and common goals in the search for truth and for unveiling the mysteries of nature (Garcia, 2006), the women at Iapar who have contributed, and still contribute, to the advancement of knowledge and agricultural development of Paraná State’s coffee growing sector, are:

Alaíde Aparecida Krzyzanowski – Graduated from the Luiz Meneghel Foundation School of Agronomy in agricultural engineering (1981), holds a master’s degree in agronomy from São Paulo University (USP) in 1997, and a doctorate in agronomy from the Júlio de Mesquita Filho São Paulo State University (Unesp) in 2006. Both her master’s degree and doctorate focused on nematology. She was an Iapar researcher between 1988 and 2014, over which period she developed important work as part of the Coffee Programme, such as identifying sources of germplasm resistance in Coffea arabica and C. canephora against the nematodes Meloidogyne incognita and M. paranaensis. She led an investigation into the occurrence and frequency of nematodes in Paraná State’s coffee farms and conducted studies on the integrated management of nematodes in coffee plants. She was part of a study in the molecular mapping and use of assisted selection, using DNA markers in nematodes. Krzyzanowski has also given a variety of courses and lectures to academics and farmers, organized field trips and tutored undergraduate and postgraduate students. She has published several scientific and technical papers relating to her field of study and was Technical Director of the Iapar Nematology Laboratory.

Aline Pissinati – A daughter and granddaughter of farmers, she has helped her parents grow coffee since childhood. This contact with agriculture was a decisive factor in her choice of university course. Pissinati graduated in agricultural engineering (2007) and holds a master’s degree (2010) and doctorate (2015) in agronomy, both from the State University of Londrina (UEL). She was awarded a grant from 2011 to 2012, from the Brazilian Coffee Research Consortium, to develop research activities in the selection of robusta coffee clone groups, in irrigated and non-irrigated conditions, in the north-eastern region of Paraná. Since 2012, she has worked at Iapar as a science and technology officer in plant protection, at the Entomology Laboratory. Among her current undertakings is the growing of Hypothenemus hampei on an artificial diet and product testing of pest control products.

Ana Maria Meneghin – Graduated from the Luiz Meneghel Foundation School of Agronomy in agricultural engineering (1985), holds a masters’ degree in entomology from the Luiz de Queiroz School of Agriculture (1991) and a doctorate in agronomy from UEL (2008). Meneghin has been an Iapar researcher since 1989, in the agricultural entomology department and has been developing projects together with the Coffee Research Consortium since 2004. Her studies on coffee pests are related to the identification of leafhopper species that act as vectors for Xylella fastidiosa bacteria, which cause disease in coffee plants; the assessment of bio-ecological tactics in controlling coffee-borers (Hypothenemus hampei); the analysis of the effects of extracts and products based on Azadirachta indica (neem tree) in the physiology and control of the main coffee pests; and in the molecular selection and study of Bacillus thuringiensis (BT) in the control of coffee borers. She participated in the dissemination of the use of traps with volatile bait (ethanol and methanol) to monitor coffee borers, as well as in the improvement of techniques to breed this pest using coffee cherries and artificial diets. These techniques have made it possible for several national institutes to obtain these insects for research purposes. Meneghin is currently the coordinator of the plant protection department’s technical group.

Andressa Cristina Zamboni Machado – Graduated in agricultural engineering from USP, at the Luiz de Queiroz School of Agriculture campus, in Piracicaba, São Paulo State (2001). Since the beginning of her undergraduate course, Machado has worked with plant-parasitic nematodes, an area she continued to study to doctorate level, with a doctorate in phytopathology, specializing in nematology (2006). She began her postdoctoral work in 2007, again in the same area, focusing on coffee-parasitic nematodes. After a brief period working for the private sector, on improving the resistance of soy to nematodes, she joined Iapar in 2010, when her studies relating to coffee farming intensified. Since then, she has contributed to the development of coffee cultivars resistant to nematodes, assisted in the selection of genotypes that are productive and resistant to this major coffee disease. Machado also tutors undergraduate, graduate and postgraduate students studying nematode management in farming. She also does important outreach work with Emater, aimed at mapping coffee fields infested with these pathogens and providing subsidies for technical assistance, encompassing approximately 500 coffee growers in Paraná State.

Cíntia Sorane Good Kitzberger – Graduate with a masters’ degree in food engineering from UEL and a doctorate in food science, also from UEL. Kitzberger has experience in the area of food science and technology, with studies in food physics-chemistry and biochemistry. She joined Iapar in 2008, where she works as a science and technology assistant in the eco-physiology department and carries out research on a variety of arabica coffee cultivars, encompassing physics-chemistry analyses, beverage sensory analyses and chromatographic analyses of compounds for sensorial quality and functionality (antioxidant activity). She has conducted many studies and produced publications on the quality of coffee beverages, involving compounds such as the diterpenes cafestol and kahweol, trigonelline, caffeine, chlorogenic acids and their isomers, organic acids, sugars and melanoidins. Kitzberger is responsible for one of Coffee Consortium Project’s Action Plan and is also a coffee classifier and taster, certified by the Ministry of Agriculture, Livestock and Food Supply (Mapa).

Cleonice Medeiros Contini – Graduated in Education from the Philadelphia University Centre (2009) and holds an MBA in personnel management from UEL (2012); she specialized in public administration at the Higher Education Institute School of Paraná (2013). Contini joined Iapar in 1991, working as a science and technology analyst. She has experience in personnel management and, since 2001, has been responsible for managing the Brazilian Coffee Research Consortium grant processes at the institute, essential to carrying out research in the Coffee Programme. From 2006 until 2010, she was Personnel Development Manager, having participated in drawing up professional profiles for personnel requirements and the Institutional Training Plan. She is currently responsible for Iapar’s postgraduate department’s master’s programme in Conservationist Agriculture.

Edilene Sacoman Longo Barros – Graduated in geography from UEL (1986), she began her professional career at Iapar in 1979 as a laboratory assistant, before being promoted to laboratory technician. She is currently a science and technology analyst at the entomology laboratory. Barros participated in several projects related to coffee pests, especially with natural predators and the production of entomopathogenic fungi, as well as the development of techniques for growing coffee borers on artificial diets and coffee cherries, providing support for research on the control of this pest.

Emília Sumako Tsuzaki Murata – Graduated in accounting (1981) from UEL and specialized in general and strategic administration (1991) from Cesulon – the Londrina Centre for Higher Education. She worked at Iapar from 1977 to 2015, as a science and technology analyst. During her career, Murata was responsible for the administrative control of the Coffee Programme’s research projects, funded by the Brazilian Coffee Research Consortium.

Giselly Aparecida Andrade – Graduated in agronomy from UEL (2004), where she also gained her master’s degree and doctorate, between 2006 and 2010. Throughout this period, she worked as an intern at Iapar’s Coffee Programme. She was also awarded a grant from the Brazilian Coffee Research Consortium. Among her academic achievements, she has conducted studies relating to the physiological and genetic characteristics of different coffee species, tolerance to drought and agroclimatic zoning. She has worked as a science and technology analyst at Iapar since 2008, participating in research groups on the genotyping of the Institute’s collection of Ethiopian coffees and the molecular and genetic determinism on coffee quality and drought tolerance in C. arabica.

Heverly Morais – Graduated in agronomy and holds a master’s degree and doctorate in agrometeorology with a focus on coffee farming. Morais has carried out activities in her field at Iapar since 1997. She received a grant from the Brazilian Coffee Research Consortium and is currently a scientific researcher in agrometeorology. She is part of the Frost Alert Programme, providing Paraná State’s coffee farmers with 48 and 24 hours advance warnings of frosts. Morais undertakes studies on the methods used to protect coffee plants from frost. She also focuses on coffee growing and climate change, microclimates, extreme events and the adaptation of plants to heat and drought. She develops projects and experiments in agroforestry systems for coffee farming and is currently a professor in the Iapar conservationist agriculture masters’ course. She also coordinates the conservationist management of natural resources. Morais is responsible for giving interviews to the media, including television, radio and newspapers on meteorological and climate forecasting and monitoring their effects on agriculture. Her work and experience in coffee farming have led to her publish various scientific papers; she gives lectures, courses and is involved in field trips; she is a member of master’s degree and doctorate examination boards; tutors undergraduate, graduate and postgraduate students and is on the review boards of a number of scientific publications.

Inês Fumiko Ubukata Yada – Graduated in mathematics from the UEL (1978) and holds a master’s in agricultural statistics and experimentation from the Luiz de Queiroz School of Agriculture (1982). Yada has experience in applied mathematics and statistics. Since joining Iapar’s, biometrics department, in 1982, she has participated in Coffee Programme projects as a statistician, developing univariate and multivariate methods and models for data analysis, thus ensuring the quality of the research results.

Isaura Pereira Granzotti – Graduated in public administration technology from the Federal Institute of Paraná and in ceremonial and events management from the North Paraná University, Granzotti is responsible for events and ceremonials at Iapar. For the past 20 years she has organized all the congresses, seminars, fairs and events relating to coffee culture that were promoted, sponsored or held by the institute. Every year, between May and September, she records the Frost Alert service that, based on the information provided by the agricultural meteorological department, warns of possible frost forecasts 48 and 24 hours in advance and provides guidance on how to protect coffee nurseries and fields.

Janete Andrade de Brito – Graduated in agricultural engineering from the Bahia State University (1981). She holds a master’s degree in nematology from the UFV and a doctorate in the same subject from the University of Florida. Brito worked as a researcher at Iapar between 1986 and 1993, when she carried out nematology studies relating to a variety of plant species, including coffee. She implemented a system to obtain, multiply and maintain Meloidogyne incógnita inside in vitro root cultures and surveyed and mapped nematode species and physiological races of Meloidogyne spp., associated with food cultures, including coffee.

Laura Regina Bernardes – Graduated in geography (1975) and holds a master’s degree in physical geography and a doctorate in transport engineering, all from USP. She worked as a scientific researcher at Iapar between 1977 and 2001, focusing on geographical climatology and agricultural zoning. Among her studies, Bernardes carried out a systematic survey of the occurrence and spatial distribution of frost in the coffee growing regions of São Paulo and Paraná states.

Lucinéia Maria da Silva – Graduated in public administration technology from the Federal Institute of Paraná. She joined Iapar in 1989 as a science and technology assistant. Initially, she worked in the tissues culture laboratory, plant physiology department, where she carried out activities on cloning techniques of coffee varieties through direct and indirect embryogenesis, as well as on propagation using cuttings, providing support for the research projects on the subject. She currently works in the biotechnology laboratory of the genetic improvement department with genetic transformation techniques aimed at obtaining genetically modified plants and a variety of other molecular analyses involving coffee farming. Silva also participates as a volunteer in studies on the sensorial analysis of coffee beverages in the plant physiology laboratory. She has completed almost 28 years working directly and indirectly with coffee.

Maria Brígida dos Santos Scholz – Graduated in pharmacy and biochemistry from the Federal University of Paraná (1977). She holds a master’s degree and doctorate in food science, from UEL, completed in 1990 and 2008, respectively. She carried out a typology analysis of the coffees of Paraná for her doctorate thesis, taking into account physical, chemical and sensorial aspects, which allowed for the identification and description of the coffees from different microregions. She has also specialized in classifying and tasting coffees and has a postgraduate degree from the Centre de Coopération Internationale en Recherche Agronomique pour le Développement (Cirad), in France. As an Iapar researcher, since joining in 1991, she has carried out important work on the chemical composition and sensorial quality of coffee. Her projects developed in collaboration with Cirad, from 2001 to the present date, are especially noteworthy. These collaborative projects include biochemical assessments of the collection of Ethiopian coffee that, in genome association studies, allow the identification of beverage quality markers in coffee improvement programmes. Her research was significant for the geographical indication Paraná was awarded for coffees produced in the state’s Norte Pioneiro microregion. Scholz is a member of the panel of judges for the Paraná Quality Coffee Competition, responsible for identifying the finest coffees produced in the State. She also runs the plant physiology laboratory, where she develops her research. In addition to tutoring undergraduate, graduate and postgraduate students in coffee-related topics, she teaches on the Iapar conservationist agriculture master’s degree course.

Maria Cristina Leme de Lima Dias – Graduated in agronomy (1974) from the Manoel Carlos Gonçalves School of Agronomy and Animal Husbandry, in Espírito Santo do Pinhal, São Paulo State. Dias worked as a researcher at Iapar, from 1975 to 2003, in the plant propagation and seed technology department. She developed activities for and studies coffee production and seed technology across a variety of research lines. She has published papers relating to testing tetrazolium, vigour, degumming methods, and packaging and humidity for the conservation of coffee seeds. Dias was also responsible for the production of basic seeds in the coffee farms, launched by Iapar, and coordinated the development of Paraná State’s production norms for seeds and seedlings. She was also technical supervisor for the Iapar seed analysis laboratory.

Maria Elizabeth da Costa Vasconcellos – Graduated in agricultural engineering from the Rural Federal University of Amazônia (1976) and holds a master’s in agricultural statistics and experimentation from USP, Luiz de Queiroz School of Agriculture campus (1982). She is experienced in statistics and probability. She worked in Iapar’s biometrics department, from 1993 to 2016, as a statistician in a variety of Coffee Program projects. From 2001 to 2012, she was team member on the project Agroforestry Systems as a Sustainability Component in Coffee Growing.

Maria Isabel Florentino Ferreira – Graduated in chemistry and has a postgraduate degree in plant food technology and quality, as well as in environmental management. She works as a science and technology analyst at Iapar. Ferreira develops activities to evaluate food quality. With regard to coffee, through her work, she aims to develop methodologies for the physical, chemical, biochemical, sensorial and physiological analysis of coffee plants. She is also a team member of volunteer tasters for the sensorial analysis of coffee beverages.

Maria Lucia Crochemore – Graduated in agricultural engineering (1980) and holds a master’s degree in science (1985) from the Federal University of Pelotas and a doctorate in natural sciences from the University of Poitiers, in France (1996). She worked as a researcher between 1988 and 2010, developing studies in the area of seeds and genetic diversity, in addition to occupying management positions in the Technical Area Coordination and her role as director of Personnel Management. As regards coffee growing, she worked on projects on molecular mapping and the use of selection assisted by DNA markers for blight, nematodes and anthracnose, as well as the identification of coffee cultivars using molecular markers, helping to genetically improve cultivar selection and the development of statistical molecular data analysis models for C. arabica.

Michele Regina Lopes da Silva – Graduated in biological sciences and holds a master’s degree in microbiology from UEL. Her relationship with coffee growing began in 2003, when she joined Iapar with a grant from the Brazilian Coffee Research Consortium. She worked for five years while on her grant on projects relating to coffee plant branch atrophy and anthracnose. Silva studied the susceptibility of coffee cultivars to pathogens and the relationship between the incidence/severity of diseases and plant nutrition. She also worked on detecting pathogens in insect vectors and in host plants that grow spontaneously in coffee fields, as well as in the genetic and phenotypic characterization of microorganisms and the microscopic infection analysis of plants. These activities sparked her interest in phytopathology, which led her to embarking on a doctorate in agronomy. In 2012, she was hired by Iapar as a scientific researcher in the plant protection department, where she works in the bacteriology and plant health laboratories. She currently takes part in projects financed by the Brazilian Coffee Research Consortium and the institution’s Coffee Programme. Furthermore, she tutors graduate and postgraduate students, is a professor of the Iapar’s Conservationist Agriculture Master’s course and a member of the Internal Biosecurity Committee, Animal Ethics Committee and Scientific Initiation Programme Committee, as well as a reviewer of periodicals.

Milde Esteves – Graduated in public administration technology at the Federal Institute of Paraná/Paraná Government School (2012) and joined Iapar in 1991. In 2007, she became a science and technology assistant in the nematode biological control laboratory, when she began to work on coffee growing. Milde worked on research projects on the biological control of Meloidogyne spp. in coffee growing areas and coffee plant reaction to M. paranaensis in comparison to M. incognita races. She is currently a science and technology assistant in the same laboratory, assisting with activities relating to resistance and tolerance evaluations of coffee cultivars to nematodes, resistance inheritance studies and developing molecular markers.

Patricia Helena Santoro – Graduated in agricultural engineering from UEL in 2003. She holds a master’s degree and a doctorate in agronomy from the same university, with a grant from the Brazilian Coffee Research Consortium. Over the course of her academic career, she conducted research into the biological control of coffee borers, the main pest for this crop, among other subjects. Santoro joined Iapar in 2008, where she works as a scientific researcher, developing studies on agroforestry systems for coffee production and the feasibility of Coffea canephora production in Paraná State. She is also a coffee classifier and taster, accredited by the Brazilian Ministry of Agriculture. She is responsible for Iapar’s Coffee Quality Research Centre, which conducts studies on beverage quality, in addition to providing courses in coffee classification and tasting for technicians, outreach workers, farmers and other industry professionals. Since March 2015, Santoro has run the institute’s Coffee Research Programme, where she leads a team of researchers from several fields of knowledge. She is the first woman to occupy this position in the program’s 42 years of existence. In addition to research-related work, she actively participates in the Brazilian Coffee Chamber and the organizing committee of Paraná State’s Coffee Quality Competition.

Sônia Martins Torrecillas – Graduated in biological sciences from UEL and holds a master’s degree in entomology from the Luiz de Queiroz School of Agriculture, in Piracicaba, USP. She worked as a scientific researcher at Iapar between 1976 and 2003, developing studies in the field of entomology with a focus on coffee growing. One of her projects, the breeding of natural predators of coffee borers for use in high-density, organic farming in Paraná State contributed significantly to the control of this pest.

Sueli Souza Martinez – Graduated in biological sciences from USP (1973) and holds a masters’ degree in entomology from the same institution (1979) and a doctorate in the same subject, from the University of Reading, England (1996). She worked at Iapar as a scientific researcher in her field, between 1975 and 2010, when she developed several studies on botanical insecticides and alternative coffee pest control methods, such as the use of Meliaceae to control pests such as H. hampei (Ferrari) in organic coffee farming (Martinez; Carvalho, 2004). She also conducted studies on the reduction of Leucoptera coffeella oviposition and egg survival rates caused by emulsifiable neem tree oil (Martinez; Meneguim, 2003). Martinez has published widely on the natural control of coffee pests, including scientific papers, books, newspaper articles and abstracts. In addition, Martinez has also organized several scientific events, such as seminars, meetings, symposia, congresses and get-togethers. She was editor-in-chief (1999-2004) and executive editor (2005-2012) of the Neotropical Entomology journal. At Iapar, she also coordinated the plant protection sector, was Coordinator of the Publications Committee and, in her role as webmaster, created the institution’s site, in 2009, still in use today. Over her scientific career, Martinez tutored graduate students, working on coffee-related themes, and took part in various master’s degree and doctorate examination panels.

Suely Ario Kudo – Graduated in public administration technology from the Federal Institute of Paraná, she began her professional career at Iapar, in 1985, as a laboratory assistant before being promoted to laboratory technician. She carried out activities in research projects on frost-resistant coffee plants and in vitro micropropagation. She is currently a science and technology assistant working on genetic improvement projects for disease-resistant coffee and transgenic plants.

Orazilia França Dorigo – Graduated in chemistry from UEL (1993), she specialized in biotechnology at the Federal University of Lavras (2011), public administration at UEL (2012) and environmental management at the Paraná Higher Education Institute (Insep) (2013). Dorigo joined Iapar in 1988, where she worked as a science and technology analyst. Since 1991, she has carried out research activities in the nematode laboratory, where she also began studies on coffee growing in projects such as a survey of nematodes in Paraná’s coffee-growing regions and the characterizations of these populations; the biological control of Meloidogyne spp.; coffee reactions to M. paranaensis in comparison to M. incognita; an evaluation of cultivar resistance and tolerance; resistance inheritance studies and the development of molecular markers and; the reaction of coffee plants in nematode-infested areas of Paraná State.

Telma Passini – Graduated in agricultural engineering from USP’s Luiz de Queiroz School of Agriculture (1981) and holds a master’s degree in crop science – crop production from UFV (1988) and a doctorate in crop science from USP (2001). She joined Iapar in 1988 as a scientific researcher and studies weed management within the area of crop science. As regards coffee growing, in 1995/1996, she studied the incidence of weeds in different plantation densities, cultivars and fertilizer levels. In 2005, she participated in a survey of the technologies applied in some coffee fields by organic farmers in the north of Paraná State. She is currently analysing weed incidence in a coffee agroforestry system experiment. Passini coordinates the crop science sector (since 2015 and, previously, between 2003 and 2011). She is a member of the Iapar Technical Scientific Committee (since 2003), Scientific Initiation Programme Institutional Committee (member since 1998 and coordinator since 2012), Editorial Committee (at various times), Web Committee (2012-2014) and the Selection Committee for the Analysis of Postgraduate Course Submissions (since 2007).

References

CNPq. Pesquisadores por sexo: censo 2016. Available at: <http://lattes.cnpq.br/web/dgp/pesquisadores-por-sexo>. Access on: 16 Mar. 2016.

FIÚZA, A. L.; PINTO, N. M.; GALINARI, T. N.; BARROS, V. A. Sexismo na geração e difusão de tecnologia nas ciências agrárias. Viçosa, MG: Ed. da UFV, 2009. (Texto em discussão, 3). Available at: <http://arquivo.ufv.br/der/wpapers/ext_rural/TD03-09%20ER%20-%20Sexismo%20na%20gera%e7%e3o%20e%20difusao%20de%20tecnol.pdf>. Access on: 16 Mar. 2016.

GARCIA, E. S. A mulher e a ciência. Agência Fiocruz de Notícias, 10 Nov. 2006. Available at: <https://agencia.fiocruz.br/a-mulher-e-a-ci%C3%AAncia>. Access on: 16 Mar. 2016.

INSTITUTO AGRONÔMICO DO PARANÁ. Histórico institucional do IAPAR. 2013. Available at: <http://www.iapar.br/arquivos/File/transparencia/InfoInstitucionais82013.pdf>. Access on: 5 May 2017.

MARTINEZ, S. S.; CARVALHO, S. M. O uso do nim em café e outras culturas. Agroecologia Hoje, v. 4, n. 21, p. 13-14, 2004.

MARTINEZ, S. S.; MENEGUIM, A. M. Redução da oviposição e da sobrevivência de ovos de Leucoptera coffeella causadas pelo óleo emulsionável de nim. Manejo Integrado de Plagas y Agroecología, n. 67, p. 58-62, 2003.

MELO, H. P.; CASEMIRO, M. C. A ciência no feminino: uma análise da Academia Nacional de Medicina e da Academia Brasileira de Ciência. Revista Rio de Janeiro, n. 11, Sept./Dec. 2003.

MELO, H. P.; LASTRES, H. M. Ciência e tecnologia numa perspectiva de gênero: o caso do CNPq. In: SANTOS, L. W. dos; ICHIKAWA, E. Y.; CARGANO, D. F. (Ed.). Ciência, tecnologia e gênero: desvelando o feminino na construção do conhecimento. Londrina: Iapar, 2006. p. 131-160.

NOGUEIRA, P. A ciência das mulheres. Unesp Ciência, ano 2, n. 17, p. 18-25, Mar. 2016.

SANTOS, L. W. dos; ICHIKAWA E. Y.; CARGANO, D. F. Ciência, tecnologia e gênero: desvelando o feminino na construção do conhecimento. Londrina: Iapar, 2006.

SILVA, M. G. da. A marginalização da participação da mulher nas ciências através da Academia Brasileira de Ciências. In: SEMINÁRIO NACIONAL DE HISTÓRIA DA CIÊNCIA E DA TECNOLOGIA, 15., 2016, Florianópolis. Anais... Florianópolis: Ed. da Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina, 2016. Available at: <http://www.15snhct.sbhc.org.br/trabalho/view?ID_TRABALHO=1541>. Access on: 7 Feb. 2017.

Left coffee beanChapter 17Right coffee bean

Flavours, aromas and fragrances: coffee classifiers and tasters of Paraná State, Brazil

Patricia Helena Santoro

Introduction

One of the most modern and well-structured coffee classification and tasting centres in Brazil belongs to the Agricultural Research Institute of Paraná (Iapar). The Coffee Quality Research Centre (CPQC) is located on a site covering over 400 m2 at the Iapar headquarters in Londrina. Its aims are to develop studies relating to bean and beverage quality, as well as train technicians and growers in this area. The CPQC hosts the Official Classification and Tasting of Raw Green Coffee Beans Course in a partnership between Iapar and the Ministry of Agriculture, Livestock and Food Supply (Mapa).

As a result of this partnership, two courses have already been held, the first in 2015 and the second in 2016. The course lasts 240 hours, of which 160 hours are reserved for beverage tasting, and the remaining 80 hours for the physical classification of the beans using the Official Brazilian Classification (COB).

A skilled coffee classifier and taster needs refined senses, especially as regards vision, palate and smell. In addition to intensive training and dedication, coffee tasting requires aptitude and, for this reason, candidates for the official Mapa course are initially submitted to a practical aptitude test, which they must pass in order to be considered. Graduating from the course depends on satisfying a series of requirements, including attendance and proof of acquired knowledge assessed through theoretical and practical evaluations.

In Brazil, the classification and testing of raw green coffee beans is regulated by Normative Instruction No. 08/2003 (Brasil, 2003). It establishes identity and quality characteristics in order to classify the product. Classifiers and tasters are private individuals who have been certified and registered in the Mapa General Classification Registry and are responsible for classifying the product based on a set of characteristics that allows for its identification and characterization.

In March 2017, Mapa published the list of Plant Product Classifiers with certification valid throughout the national territory. Based on an analysis of this document, it is possible to see that, in Brazil, there are only eight women certified to classify and taste raw green coffee beans. They represent 7.6% of all classifiers and tasters of this product. It is worth emphasizing that, of these eight women, five were certified in the courses held in 2015 and 2016.

The (still low) percentage of women Mapa-certified coffee classifiers and tasters may be a reflection of the professional education required, as established in article 3 of Normative Instruction No. 46/2009 (Brasil, 2009). It states that applicants for the plant products, by-products and residues of economic value classification course must be agronomists or mid-level agricultural and livestock technicians – professions in which men still predominate.

Who are the women coffee classifiers and tasters certified by Mapa working in Paraná

With different professions and work areas, the raw green coffee beans classifiers and tasters certified by Mapa, working in Paraná, are presented below. Cíntia Sorane Good Kitzberger and Patricia Helena Santoro were presented in the preceding chapter on Iapar’s research and science, (Figure 1):

Figure 1. Paraná’s women coffee classifiers and tasters.

Photos: Romeu Gair and Patricia Helena Santoro

Cirlene Aparecida Pecador – Graduated in agricultural engineering from the State University of Londrina (1990). She was hired by Mapa through an open competition in 2002 and has since worked as a federal agricultural and livestock tax auditor. In 2015 and 2016, Pecador was supervisor of the official Raw Green Coffee Beans Classification and Tasting courses, promoted by Mapa in partnership with Iapar. She gained her own Mapa certification at the end of the course, in 2015. She is also a volunteer in the Paraná Coffee Quality Competition, for which she was a judge in the regional phase, selecting the best coffees from the state’s 2016 harvests.

Joana D’Arc Teixeira de Faria – Graduated in agricultural engineering from Federal University of Paraná (UFPR) (1975), and holds a postgraduate degree in entrepreneurial coffee culture: yield and quality, from the Federal University of Lavras. Since 2000, Faria has been a Mapa certified raw green coffee beans classifier and taster. In 2004, she was a monitor at the Official Coffee Classifier and Taster Course and instructor in the 2015 and 2016 courses. In 2012, she received the star cupper certification from the Coffee Quality Institute and, later that year, she became a member of the Organizing Committee for the 13th edition of the Brazilian Coffees Quality Competition, the Cup of Excellence. Faria has been involved in every edition of the Paraná Coffee Quality Competition as a judge in the regional and state phases. Over the course of working as an outreach worker for Emater, she has trained growers and other outreach workers in the classification and production of high quality coffee. She has also trained growers to produce specialty coffees.

Lorian Voigt Gair – Graduated in agricultural engineering from UEL and specialized in rural and agribusiness production engineering from Federal University of Santa Catarina (UFSC). She holds a master’s degree and a doctorate from UEL, where she carried out studies on coffee beverage quality. In 1992, she gained her Mapa certification in raw green coffee beans classifying and tasting, after attending the 2015 course. Gair has been a member of the Organizing Committee for the Paraná Coffee Quality Competition since 2000, while in 2014 and 2016, she was jury coordinator for the competitions’ regional phase.

Raquel Nader Resende Fraiz – Graduated in agricultural engineering from the Luiz Meneghel Foundation School of Agronomy, in Bandeirantes (1986) and began her professional activities, in 1987, at the Coffee Growers Cooperative (Coplac). In 1990, she became self-employed, providing consultancy, planning, technical projects and technical training services. In 1994, she also embarked on coffee growing, an activity she continues to this day. Fraiz is also an instructor in the National Service of Rural Education, Paraná State (Senar-PR), working in the areas of coffee farming and rural management. Since 2004, she has taken a variety of coffee classification and tasting courses, gaining her raw green coffee beans classification and tasting MAPA certification in 2015. She remains active in the coffee production chain, from production to commercialization.

Final considerations

Another important action undertaken by the Coffee Quality Research Centre is the Paraná Coffee Quality Competition. This competition is coordinated by the Paraná State Coffee Industry Chamber, of which Iapar is an active member, and involved in the Competition’s organizing committee, now in its 15th edition. The aim is to add value to and strengthen coffee growing in Paraná, identifying and recognizing the State’s best coffees as a strategy to ensure that it retains its prominent position in the production of specialty coffees. This will allow our coffee growers to win over new markets, expanding their business opportunities and, as a result, the profitability of their fields.

References

BRASIL. Ministério da Agricultura, Pecuária e Abastecimento. Instrução Normativa nº 46, de 29 de outubro de 2009. Regulamento técnico dos cursos de capacitação e qualificação de classificadores de produtos de origem vegetal, subprodutos e resíduos de valor econômico. Diário Oficial da União, 30 out. 2009. Available at: <http://www.agricultura.gov.br/assuntos/inspecao/produtos-vegetal/normativos-dipov/IN46_2009cursosclass.pdf>. Access on: 30 May 2017.

BRASIL. Ministério da Agricultura, Pecuária e Abastecimento. Instrução Normativa nº 8, de 11 de junho de 2003. Regulamento técnico de identidade e de qualidade para a classificação do café beneficiado Grão Cru. Diário Oficial da União, 13 jun. 2003. Available at: <http://sistemasweb.agricultura.gov.br/sislegis/action/detalhaAto.do?method=recuperarTextoAtoTematicaPortal&codigoTematica=1229303>. Access on: 5 May 2017.

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